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WICKED ONE REVEALED 



iliX?LAI>;iNG TO THE W ORLDj AND TO THE .fEOPLS O'F TKE 

United States in particular,, r::z I:-i::3y a::d 
PlaNj by which every Crc-;7V7i:.d Hi]xi.d^ 

HAS controlled THE PHYSICAL- 
POWERS OF TREia Subjects-. 
AT ^O 
An explanation of the Plan ey ■^^hich the ?g?e (in 
ancient bays) divested the Kings of tfieir 
power, and vested themselves y/itk 
that power; v/ith riany cthepv 
develcpements as to the 
Governments of Eue-ope 

AND AkSHICA. 



-i J 

h 

Of Abbeville District, South- Carolina. 



FRASIEESTILLE S- C: 

PIvINTSD by WRAY & I-IOLLANr.. 

1849. 



TK^^^ 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1849, 

BY SAMUEL JORDAN, 

in the Office of the Clerk of the District of South- Carolina. 



FREE, SOVEREIGN AND INDEPENDENT CITIZENS. 



I believe it a duty we owe one to another, agreeable to ths articles 
of union entered into by us, sovereign citizens, when we entered 
into that firm league of friendship with each other, to support and 
defend each other against all attacks made against us, or any of us, ^ 
on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence / 
whatever. Therefore, according to these articles of agreement en- ^ 
tered into by us, it is certainly a duty we owe to each other, when- 
ever we see any evil or danger approaching all or any of us, on ac- 
comit of religion, sovereignty, or any other pretence whatever, to 
warn each other of the nature of the wrong and manner of the evil 
introduced, to explain the nature of the attack, and show in what 
manner that attack could operate against us in regard to religion, 
sovereignty, trade or any other pretence whatever ; and by these 
means enable each other to put up that necessary defence, which 
ought to be made in oposition to any attack made against any of 
our rights, privileges or liberties. And as I believe there is at this 
time, an attack made against every liberty and privilege we enjoy, 
I believe it to be a duty, which I owe to my country and my fellow 
citizens to warn them of that attack, and show them in what way 
the attack is made against their liberties and privileges ; and also, to 
show the true plan of remedy, and by what means they can resist 
that attack, which is made against our sovereignty. If the framers 
of this attack could succeed in dispossessing us of our sovereign rights 
as citizens, they would have it in their power easily to dispossess us 
of all the rest of our liberties and privileges, which it is my object to 
shov7 you ; and how or in what way they could effect their purpose. 
I know the people themselves arc innocent of having any bad de- 



signs or evil intentionsj but at the same time, I -^-ish to show my fel- 
low citizens, that they may with the best of designs and the best of 
intentions, through error of judgment do both themseh/es, their 
country and their posterity the worst of injuries, and may, by giving 
their consent, make both themselves and posterity abject slaves to 
monarchical despotism. At the same time I v/ish to show my fel- 
low citizens, that as a body of fi-ee and independent citizens under 
our Repubhcan form of Government, a-se not, nor can be bound, un- 
less we bind ourseh^es ; and that all the obligations, we have enter- 
ed into under our form of Government, are those of one individual to 
another : that i? si'^^ly, we have entered into a firm league of friend- 
ship, onewi:.^- ;.-,. ;^er, to snr port and delend each other against 
all attacks made against the whole or any one of us, on account of 
religion, sovereignty, trade or a,ny other pretence v/liatever. More- 
over, that we should fully understand each other, how, when, and in 
what manner w^e should support and defend each other, v/e have 
adopted a certain farm of laws, in and through which we are to claim 
our righto, vrh-:.:..^^^- il.n/ are invaded. Each man being 
bound, one to anothe: ond defend each other, when they 

claim their riirhts ace ^ j law of the land, it makes each 

©"tizenh ::-i :: : . .: viewer of a King, for the King has no 

other way lo eniorce his claim, but by the law of the land. There- 
fore, as we have adopted a certain form of laws, which each ciiizen 
has a full right to claim for himself^ and as each citizen is bound one 
to another tz 3M:3port and defend each other, this makes the claim 
of each _:. ^ ::_ „Qual to the power of a King; and these laws, which 
V7d have adopted for the purpose of protecting each other, we have 
committed to an instrument of ^^^ri^^v ■- "^ntained in both the Con= 

stitution of the Stp-te, and the C :o. . n of the United States ; 

which we declare shall be the supreme law of the land, and v/hich 
shall not be altered nor amended^ except by our consent, through 
a certain plan laid down in .:. . 1 : :.. ;hution of the State of South 
Carolina, v/hich is as follows : ^' No part of this Constitution shall 
be altered ; unless a bill to alter the same shall have been read three 
times in the House of Representatives, and three times in the Senate, 
and agreed to by two-thirds of both branches of the whole Represen- 
tation ; neither shall any alteration take place, until the bill, so. 
as^reed to, bo nublished three months orcvious to a new election for 



member^i to the Kouse of Heprcscutatives ; and if ihs alteration pro 
posed hy the Legislature, shall be agreed to in the first sesssioii by 
tow-thiids of the whole Representation in both brai^-lies of the Leg- 
islature, after the same shall have been rc:^.'\ :• :c ;.;nes, oa threo 
several days, in each House, then, and net oili^r-yl-^^ the same shall 
become apart of the Constitution." Now as ii-j akcration can be 
made in the Constitution — it being the supreme law of the land — ■ 
unless it is first proposed by one set of Legislators, and agreed to by 
two-thirds of the whole Representation of both brcinclies of the Leg- 
islature, after being read three times, on three several days, and then, 
it only becomes a proposed alteration, for we have not left it ii- then 
power to alter it until they advertise the proposed alteration^ thr^e 
months previous to the election of a new Ileprescnta Lion, so that the 
people, having three months notice given them of the proposed al- 
teration — having that term of time reserved for themselves to exam- 
ine the alteration, whether it may suit them or not. And having it 
also in their power to elect whom they please, d:cy can, by the next 
net of Legislators they send, either approve, or disapprove the pro- 
posed alteration. So under this principle of the Constitution, I con- 
tend, in behalf of the people, that according to the r -^^ ':^ : r' .ion, 
they are not, nor sanbe bound under any law, exec .: _ ncir 

consent in this way. And in another article contained in tliis writ- 
en instrument of our Government, it is declared that no free man of 
this State shall be takeH; or impriiioncd, or outlawed^ or in any mam 
ner deprived of his free-hold liberties or privileges, exccptbyths judg- 
ment of his peers and by the law of the land. Now v/hai is meant 
by the laws of the land ? Are all the laws aiitliorizcd by the com 
stituted authority of the people / And the judgment of the peers, is 
the judgment of those, wiio are appointed by the legal authority of 
thepeople, lor the enpre^s purpose of determining all disputed points, 
that may exist among the people But we do not give them tho 
power of judging between us, until we hr::;t bind them, by the oath 
of allegiance, to support and delend tho Constitution of the State, 
and the Constitution of the United States, Vvdiich contain all tho 
laws, by which we, the people, have given our consent to be ruled 
and governed. 

Also, the Constitution of the United States declares that the Leg- 
islative authority shall never have power to impair the obhgou-r> o[ 



6 

eontracts, for its words are a.s foilo\vs : " Art. 1st. Sec. lOth. No 
State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation, grant 
letters of marque or reprisal, coin money, emit bills of credit, make 
any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in pa^/ment of debts, 
pass any bill of attainder, expost facto law, or law impairing th© 
obligation of contracts." 

Also respecting the Legislative authority of Congress, Art. 1st, 
Sec. 9th. Paragraph 3d, provides that 

''No bill of attainder, or expost facto law, shall be passed." 

Again, Art. 4th, Sec. 3d, Par. 2d, speaking of the powers of the 
Legislative authority of Congress : 

" The Congress tliall have power to dispose of, and make all need- 
ful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property 
belonging to the United States, and nothing in the Constitution shall 
be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of 
any particular State." 

Now you see, that, although this part of the Constitution gives 
Congress power to transact the business of the property of the United 
States, they have not even the power to construe the meaning of 
the Constitution, so as to interfere with any of the rights of the 
States, nor of any particular State. 

What I understand by the property of the United States is, the 
property belonging to the people en masse — all equally interested in 
that property. And as they have a voice in choosing the members 
of Congress — their agents — and being equally interested in that 
property, they have merely given them power to transact that part 
of the business. And lest the}^ should suppose that they had 
power over any of our domestic rights, we say to them, this shall 
not be construed so as to interfere Vv'ith any of the private rights of 
either of the people of the United States, or the people of any par- 
ticular State. 

Now, in order to show^ that when the words State and United 
States are used in the Constitution, that they have reference to the 
people, and their private interests, I will refer you to the commence- 
ment of the Constitution, for my object is to show the people, that 
they are the true Sovereigns, both in the State and the United 
States ; and to show that every man, under our present form of 
government, eats and drinks under his own "vine and fig tree."— 



And, to sliow that none of the legislative authorities have any 
power to enforce any laws they make, unless it is merely the power 
to make such laws as will put such and such foregoing laws into 
power, that we have described in the Constitutions. And if it was 
any other way, we could not possibly be freemen, and I would lose 
tli6 principle I first set out with — that we, as free citizens, have de- 
clared the extent of our own obligations, and no one else has any 
right to declare it : and that we are under no other obligation, only^ 
one to another, and that is, to support and defend each other accord- 
ing to the laws, rules and regulations we have laid down in the 
Constitutions. For I contend, that there is but two principles by 
which the human famil}^ can be protected— one is by laiv^ and the 
other by revolution. So since we have adopted a form of laws 
through which each man can claim his right, for himself, and each 
man being bound, one to another, to sustain each other in his right, 
when he claims it according to law, it makes each man's power 
equal to the power of a King. For in this case, he has the law to 
protect him in his right, therefore, he has no use for the sword to 
protect him. 

But to return to the first subject, and show that the words State 
and United States have reference to the people, — their own estab- 
lished law and authority, which they have laid down for their rule 
of government, by which they are willing to be ruled and governed; 
and not to be altered without their consent, and through that certain 
plan and form laid down in the Constitution, as follows : 

" We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more 
perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide 
for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure 
the blessings of liberty, to ourselves, and to our posterity, do ordain 
and estabhsh this Constitution, for the United States of America." 

Now you see, the people of the United States, for the purpose of 
forming a more perfect union, have adopted this Constitution ; and 
you may now ask me : What imperfection there was in the first 
formation of our Government, that made it necessary to form a 
more perfect union ? This question I will endeavor to answer. — 
In the first place, when we formed our repubhcan government, we 
formed it by States, that is, the people of each State entered into a 
firm league of friendship, to support and defend each other, to the 



extent and boundary of the State, DJid adopted a forra of laws, in 
and through which each man should claim his right ; and each 
man, being bound one to another, to sustain each other, in his right 
when he claimed that right according to law, so that the citizens of 
each f^ dd claim the ^protection of each other, to the extent 

and boui.oLii r of the^tate, biitno farther, for the Union had not 
cxtenxkd any farther than to the extent and boundary of the State, 
so that the people could not claim prolcc!:^ ■ each other, any 

farther than- the extent and boundary of .......i^.c. But when the 

people of all the States entered into that firm league of friendship, 
to support and ;' -: c United States, and 

adopted a form u :.. :, .-. ■. .:-^. - ::.:^_ ._::_.:i. :..:id a fiul right to claim 
for hximself, and each m?ai being bound one to another, to support 
^rnd defend each other, when he claimed his right according to law, 
we then could claim the protection of every citizen, to the extent 
and boundary of ti:: ■ ' " .' :i States : whereas^ in the first forming 
of the Qo-^' '^ u of the States, we could only claim the protec- 
tion of ea':- :■ \ to the extent and boundary of the State, where- 
f-s, now, under the general 'Union, we can claim the protection of 
each other to the extent and boundary of the United States. So 
you see the ;rroater the union the greater the protection, for the more 
"' "selves tog:ether for the purpose of supporting paid 

1 J ' cacn other, the stronger the protection. 

1 2- herein can be the inconsistency of forming such an union 
as this, '">er^ the people arc bound under no other obligation, only 
one to another, and that simply to support and defend each other 
".granst all attacks made against them, either on account of religion, 
sovereignty, trade, or an^f other pretence whatever, for each citizen 
■'^^as to ha.ve free ingress and egress to and from all the other States, 
•:ind to enjoy all the privileges and immunities of Citizens of the 
same State, 

Now, although agreeable to this Union,' each State, or the people 
of each State, have the right to make v.diat lava's and regulations 
they think proper to protect each other, in all their dom_estic rights, 
liberties and privileges, and have committed them to an instrument 
■■i writing, contained in the Constitution of each seperate State, 
"'.vhich is to be the supreme law of those States. And, although the 
law of one State cannot be extended into any other State, yet when 



cilizgii passes any where through the United Slates, should Ins 
rights be invaded hi any manner whatever, he can coniniand tlvi 
obedience and service of the officer of any State, and he is bound 
to discharge the duties of liis office in behah' of that citizen, the 
same as he v*- oukl be if a citizen of the same State. And if he 
were to refuse to act in behah" of that citizen, he could impeacli 
him, and break him of his commission, the same as if a citizen of 
the same State. So you see, that an offioei', akhough lie cannot 
act out of the l^ounds wdiich he was chosen or appointed to act in, 
yet the citizen is a sovereign everywhere he goes — all through the 
United States — and can cammand the services of an otTicer any- 
where in the United States, to execute the law^ in behalf of obtaining 
his rights. Now this is.the great advantage we obtain under the 
general Union, for wdien the Union only extended with each other 
to the extent and boundary of the State, Vv^e could only claim the 
services of an officer to the extent and boundary of the State, so 
that the sovereignty of the people only extended so far as the 
boundary of the State. But now, under the general Union, the 
sovereignty of each citizen extends entirely over the United States ; 
so I contend, that, in place of the States being as sovereign as 
they were before they .entered into a general union, that tliey are 
thirty times as sovereign as they were before w^e entered this gen- 
eral union. And I contend that our government was formed by 
an union of mdividuals, and not by legislative authority. So ac- 
cording to the system of government that I advocate, I claim 
thirty times as much power for one citizen, as has been claimed 
for the whole State as a body politic, by the present political con- 
troversies which have produced such great excitements and such 
unpleasant feelings amongst the different communities of this 
State. But nov/, 1 rejoice to see that those party feelings, wdiich 
produced so much confusion and disorder in the different portions 
of this State, have so far subsided, that all pohtical parties can 
converse w4th each other on friendly terms, and listen to exch 
others reasoning, v/ithout v/ounding each others feelings. And 
this w^e should avoid at all times, for our interests are all precisely 
the same. For whatever principle or policy of government would 
take av/ay the rights and liberties of one part of the community, 
must, therelbrcj take away the liberty of the othei"; as Solomon 

2 



.ays : -' liiai iii tlic miillUadc of oounsei there is salely ;' ^nd x^ 
1!, IS one priiioiplc in oiii ibmi of govcrmiientj that we should se- 
cure to ourseh^es the Freedom of Speech and the Liberty of the 
Press, we should use them for. the purpose of doing good and not 
harm, so that when we converse with each other, or should com- 
municate to each other, it should be for the purpose of counseling 
each other on the subject -'-what \vould be the best plan of secur- 
ing the power and control of government in the people's own 
hands," and should listen to each others reasoning, and judge from 
pure principle, and not suuer party feelings to form within us such 
prejudice, that v/ould dispossess us of the means of reasoning for 
ourselves, for when this is the case, it gives designing characters 
great power over us, while they can the more easily blind-fold and 
lead us v/here they please, (under party feelings) much to our 
injury and ruin, for prejudice has been a more povrerful enemy to 
the human fa.mily than they have been av;are of, and it has some 
influence over every individual, and l^een an instrument u^sed to the 
injury of the human family, perhaps more than any other. For get 
a man once prejudiced in favor of any one opmion, and you can 
seldom remove that opinion either by argument or by reasoning, 
and tlie only cause is, he has cjuit usmg the faculties of his own 
reasoning, and suffers himself to be led by those who have capti- 
vated him, wherever they please, and by this means the world has 
been led into captivity and bondage, notwithstanding the beauti- 
ful lesson Scripture has given us to be guided by, for it says, " Go 
not after the multitude to do evil." Now in some instances, al- 
though the Scripture says that '• in the multitude of counsel there 
is safety," yet there are times when it is not s?tfe to go with the 
multitude, for they sometimes do evil. We have, also, another 
lesson taught us in Scripture, which commands us to " be wise as 
serpents, but harmless as doves." To be harmless as doves, is to 
do violence to no man, but to do justice to all. To be wise as ser~ 
pents, is to be as wise as those designing characters, who, by their 
intrigue and art, can deceive the good and unsuspecting citizen , 
and by their arts, devices and policies secure to themselves the ab- 
solute control over both their lives, liberty and property, and 
securing, in behalf of themselves, a, policy of government which 
leaves the people no course but absolute obedience. Now, it is 



1i 

■ neccr^sar}' thai vve Siioiild Jiecome as wise as (lioy are, sotliat^ve 
could Hiulerst and all tlicir devices and plans, b}^ wliicli sucli ad 
vantage could be taken of ns, and then Vv^c could be prepared lo 
defend ourselves against ail tlicir deception and intrigue. Another 
lesson the Scripture teaches is tliis, when our Saviour, by an em- 
blematical representation, speaking of {.lie i^ivGn!^ snnn, he says : 
'^ If you spoil a strong man's house, you mirst lirsl bind < lie sfi ong 
man, and then you can spoil his house." Now the people liere 
spoken of are the strong man, for they have ail the ph3'sical power, 
so that, if you take away their lil^crty a nd privileges, tliey must 
first be bound by a policy of government, and then 3^ou can spoil 
iheir liouse. 

But if tlie strong man had known in vvdiat hour the thief would 
liave come, he would have watched, and not have suircred liis bouse 
to have been spoiled ; for that reason Christ commands the people 
to watch and be on tiieir guard. Now the citizens of tlie world 
would not have suiTered themselves to iiavc been bound under 
Monarchical despotism and bondage, if they had known how to 
liave avoided it, so although the people are the strong man, they 
liave, by their own consent, suffered themselves to be bound [»y 
their own ignorance, so that they liave given into the hands of 
what Icall the two beasts spoken of in the Scriptures, the absolute 
control over their lives, liberty, and property, and have given them 
Ihe clear right to declare the extent of their oljligation, and have 
left themselves v/ithout any course but obedience. This i^ ceitain 
ly a very important lesson for us now to learn, who, those i)casts 
were ; by what means they came into power; and by what poll 
cy, tliey have retaiiied that power . So that we may not sulfer 
ourselves to ])e deceived or taken by the same snare or polic-y, for 
I consider them to be the serpents spoken of in Scripture. Now 
the Scriptures sa}^ that, "him that letteth will let, until the day tlie 
wicked one shall be revealed;" and then speaks of the great re 
formation that shall take place on the earth, when knovvdedge sliajl 
incrca^^e to and fro, all over the earth, and all shall know God from 
the least to llic greatest, when the lion and the lamb shall lie down 
and get up together, wlien every man sliail cat and drink under 
his own vine and fig-tree and none shall make him afiaid. Now 
■y\\n\ could reveal the tz-.'/c/.w/ o^e better lijnotomakeknown to (be 



12 

world all Lis plans, all his policies, and all (lie deAqrcs b}^ wliicli he 
has compelled the people to commit sin, and persecute each otlier 
i 1 the most horrid, cruel, and severe ni a oner. This, with the help 
of the giver of all good, I will endeaver to slio-.v. In the first place 
I contend that the Catholic Pope and Mohammed, ore the two 
beasts spoken of in Scripture. You will ask me, how I will make it 
appear that the)^ are the beasts spoken of in Scripture ! This I 
Will endeavor to show : In the first place I will ask the question, 
what is that raises a man above. the level of a beast, if it is not 
_ knovvdedge ? Also, has not every beast an instinctive knowledge 
given it ]:>y God, according to the nature of that beast ? And 
whenever the beast arrives to that degree of instinctive knowledge 
which God has given it, its knowledge ceases, and it can extend 
no further ; so that it appears that God has confined the limits and 
bounds of the knowledge of all beasts within certain limits and 
bounds, and their knowledge never extends any farther. 

Now examine the system and policy of the Pope and Mohammed, 
and observe hov/ nicely they Jiave adapted a system of Government 
and policy to confine the knowledge of the people within just such 
limits and boimds as they think proper, so that their knowledge 
cannot extend any farther than they think proper, which Vvrndd 
place all, who are under their authority and control, in the very 
same situation of the beasts. For under their sj^stem of govern- 
ment, ng one can neither read, write, speak, or worship in any 
other way than they think proper, under the pains and penalties of 
death. And all the books they are permitted to read, are such as 
are furnished by themselves, which principally teach them to submit 
themselves to their control and authority. And then, the Pope, the 
better to secure the power he claims, appoints a set of Inquisitors 
to go about among the people once every six months, and search 
every man's house and see that they have no other books than he 
thinks proper for them to use ; and to examine and see that they 
possess no other religion than what he approves. And if they are 
found to possess any other books, or to profess any other religion 
than what he approves, the Inquisitors have power to put them to 
death, or to torture and punish them in any manner they may 
think proper, and iheir is no appeal from their decision, or any 
court before wliom the citizen may claim protection against their 



13 

cruellies and oppressions, for, under Ids form of goveinment, he 
declares that no court can be faiyid sufficiently impartial to decide 
on their sovereignty. One other policy he adopts to lilind-fold the 
people still farther, that is, lie has made them believe that itisne- 
cessai-y that the}^ should come as often as possible and confess to 
him their sins that lie might forgive them, lest they should die in 
their sins and go to Purgatory, and from thence to Hell, — the citi- 
zen paying him a large sum of money to pray them out. Novf, 
where a communit,}^ of men, under the name of Priests, haviiig so 
much power in their hands, as I have shown, and can impress such 
a mass of ignorance on the minds of the people, and make them 
believe such stuff as that, what is it they cannot do with such 
ignorant people, when, at the same time, they are taught to l)elieve 
to read the scriptures is a crime punishable Vv^ith death. And he 
also binds them by an oath, never to forsake the Catholic Faith, 
and that they will support and defend it, both by argumejit and 
by the sword, if need requires it. Now the power this oath gives 
the Pope is binding in two ways : first, they are bound never to 
forsake nor change their religion ; in the next place, they are 
bound to resist with the sword. And the reason he wishes them 
all to make confession is, that he pretends to forgive their sins, but 
really, that if any one of them should become so enlightened as to 
discover the great deception the Pope had forced on the people, 
and should by any means begin to make known to others their 
true situation, that he, in this manner, may be informed of it, and 
have that individual immediately put to death, and call them 
heretics. So you see, betvv^een the Inquisitors searcjiing every 
]nan and woman's house every six months, and receiving a con- 
fession of their faith, with power to put every one to death who 
they might think proper to pronounce heretics, and their havin'^ 
to come so often to the Priests to confess their sins, enables the 
Pope, by this means, to get the sentiments of the people all over 
his Government. 

So fixed is this system of pohcy, and the confining the people in 
such great darkness, that it is impossible for them ever to release 
themseU^es from this state of miserable ignorance and bondage. 
And there are two principal reasons for tliis : first, their knowledge 
is confined vdthin such limits and bounds, that they cannot discover 



11 



:\^u] ihrv 'v,^ y-'^ '■''' ■' ■ ' ■ ■ - '■ ■:- ' \; <■] , ihciii 

to encli oihcr or tlio snljjcc!; iiii ' ■..]l['.c^oi cicnt!i; 

nnr- ar-o. cA'cry one ]:>eine' iio:rn.^ ■: . iajH-e. iievei 

to M)rs■l*^o li>o CaUiulic ]:\;i;ri:, and a.- id it ])oi]i hy 

argiiineiit and the sworn, if need rcqiiiiod it, and being- deprived 
botli of (lie freedom of Speech and the liberty of the Press, under 
ibe pains and penalises of dealh. Hence it is a mere bn]^osalLnbly 
ibi tiie people ever to release I;- ■ - ■ aat bondage, and 

fi'oin under the tyranny and op]a: . . . a ... ;.. a . .ancl beasts. 

Now you will say. how is it possible tiiat the Fopc eould obtain a 
set of menbase andcorrupl cnangli to pevibrmtliose officesof Priests? 
for they are well learned and have liberty to read tlie Bible: auii 
must therefore, know better. Now I will endeavor to tell you how 
they do tbis also. In the first place, tlicy a]wn3-s select small boys, 
for the purpose of rearing them up to ill] \he oiiices of Priests, and as 
they are very young and not capable of judging ])etwcen right and 
wrong, they take great pains to teach tliern in all tlieir formal man- 
ner of worsliio, such as bowing to the images, which are called alter 
tlie names of certadn deceased saints: and they aJso teach them to 
pray to the Virgin Mary, dip their fingers in, what tliey call tlieir lio- 
ly water, and sprinkle it on themselves — draw theiriiandsaci-oss their 
breasts or forelieads, and jnany other similar motions very much like 
what a Monkey would ma];:e, were 3^ou to show liin^ :" -' ^ -/- crf/rr. 
And those little boys so very 3'oung, thcv caii take : a , , . .aace oi 
their ignorance, and impose any opinion on them, they think proper, 
until they have formed such a prejudice in favor of the course (hey 
wish them to pursue, thatit would require soinethiiig very powerful 
(0 convince them, that they were vrrong. And as tiiose Priests ai-e 
taught to believe that they are not allovaed to marry, yet at the same 
time to behove they can hidulge their appetites and desires with the 
women. TJiisthcy endeavor, laawcver, to keep a secret from the 
people, but it is well known tlau liMy^ do keep in their Convents, num- 
bers of the most beautihd woinen ihny canselect, in (lie most misera- 
ble conlinement, and use ibcm at iheir discretion; and by these 
meai^s indulge them in such va:]::--] :ad vi[- practices, that wlien 
tbev come io years of maturiv - jipje for anv ibin-y 



else, than iograiif}/ tlie.nisr3vi\^iii ihcu luNiliil tlc.igii;;. But now id 
iiic'i^iow you, wiiere lie has aiiothcr ciigiiic of power io VA'Oil^ on 
tiieiii,«thai. has still greater power over llieiii. (or altJiouiiii lie lias kul 
them into this trap on accountof {l\r'.i ylMdl^^K^d i-iij;;U've; hestiM 
has%a great engine of power haii^^L-Ag- ewr wicin^ wliiv-i coni[)els 
t'leni to serve, I mean ilielaic] Ibr when he Jias prepared tlicm in 
this way, ho then binds them by the oath of alicj;iance, lliat they 
never will forsake the Catliolic Fait]), and that they will defend it 
both by argument and sword, if need require it. Now in this case, 
they ajue alwa3^s bound to remain a Catliolic and rise no and figlit 
fl)rit whenever called upon, which is precisely the same as enlisting 
«^\'ery oSte, so thai tli;' T ; ■ :::is every one under his control — bound 
to him, that he could call all tlios< ' ' a-.* ;;iisera];]y deceived, int*) 
arms at a inmute's warning, to dci ....:; : I tould any insurrection 
be attempted against him. 

Now, liow is it possible, tliat those people could ever rcdec]n them- 
selves from this cruel bondage, for the pains and penalties are death, 
if they speak or write anything on the subject, it is out of the ques- 
tion that a secret insurrection could prevail, for they never could 
form a niniiber sufiicient to defend themselves, because the Inquisi- 
tors.or some of those who were making confession of their sins, would 
liave found it out, and]3y that means liaveit conveyed to Uie Pope 
]iefore they could possibly ma.ture their plpuis sufficiently for action. 
In the first place, they would have to endeavor to convince every 
individual of the deception practised on them, and to contend 
against all the prejudiced principles fixed in that individual by the 
Pope; and while he ^v^ould be thus engaged, he would jeopardize 
Ills life at the hands of every man, \vith v/hom he conversed on 
the subject. Under these circumstances, the task of a revolution 
by private insurrection would be so diiiicult that no man could be 
foimd vvdio would undertake it. Now you see, although the people 
are the strong man, spoken of in tlie Scripture, and have all the 
physical po^yer, yet they can be bound by poUc?/, when they arc 
not on the Vv atcli, so that they cannot unbind themselves, until God, 
through his mighty power, releases them in some way or other. 

Now I woidd rejoice to be found an instrument, in the hand of 
God, for redeeming those cruelly injured and 0|)presscd people from 
under the lyranny of this c'>"z;c^ j}io}i6-lc}', the Pope; Ibr oven the 



16 

very Pricois liiciiibelves are m cruel bondage^ were lliey to discover 
the treacliery of the Pope, lliey dare nol iiiake it known to the peo- 
ple. 1 dou]3l not btit they are aware of tiie deception, but ifHhey 
Vv'ere to attempt making known tlieir true situation, they wouki be 
immediately put to death. So you see they are under the s^me 
bondage with the people, with one exception, they have tlie liberty 
to read the scriptures, but in every other particular they are under 
tlie same bondage wdlh the people. Now I will cite you to a pas- 
sage of scripture, which will prove these things to be a lact; where 
it testifies that lie that leadeth into captivity shall go into ^ptivi- 
ty. Thus you v^dll perceive, that those people, v^dio first gave this 
power to the Pope, sulTered prejudice and party feehngs tq^prevail 
over them so far, that while they forced the minority into bondage, 
they l>roiight tiiemselves so much under its influence, that they 
had no chance to recover from it. So the advice I give to ail my 
Fellow Citizens is, while you are free keep free, and do not sutler 
yourselves to be brought under any set of men, so as to give them 
the alisohite control over your lives, liberty and proper t}^, but declare 
the exlent of your own obligations — leave it in the hands of no one 
else to declare them ; and let those obligations be one to another, 
and that is simply to support and defend each other against all at- 
tacks made against each other, either on account of religion, sove- 
reignty, trade, or any other pretence wdiatever ; and then adopt a 
form of laws in and through wdiich, each man shall have a right to 
claim for himself, in order to obtain his right v.dienever that right 
may be infringed upon. And each man being boimd one to an- 
other, to support and defend each other against all attacks made 
against them or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, 
trade, or any other pretence v^diatever, it makes the power of each 
man equal to that of a King\ for the King has no other way to 
force his claim but by the kiw he establishes. So we, the people of 
America, having established laws for ourselves, and committed 
those kiws to an instrument of v/riting, and in that instrument, \ve 
declare that those laavs shall be the supreme law of the land ; and 
shall not be altered or amended, except by our consent, and 
through, a certain plan laid down in that written instrument, which 
is contained in the Constitutions both of the States and of the 
United States. But I will first cite voui attention to the Constitu- 



ir 

tion of the State of South Carolina, and then attempt, in the next 
place, to show that the Constitution of the United States conveys 
the same meaning, and if it does not, we, the people, should have 
it so amended, as to express in plain terms the same meaning. — 
The clause in the Constitution of the State of South Carolina, to 
vvhich I would call your attention, is Art. 9th, Sec. 1st: 

" All power is originally vested in the people, and all free Gov- 
ernments are founded on their authority, and are instituted for their 
■peace, safety, and happiness. 

And then it goes on to say in Sec. 2d: 

" No free man of this State shall he taken, or imprisoned, or dis- 
seized of his free hold, liherties, or privileges, or out-lawed, or exiled, 
or in any manner destroyed, or deprived of his life, liberty, or prop- 
erty, but by the judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land ; 
'nor shall any bill of attainder, ex' post facto law, or law imparing 
the obligation of contracts, ever be passed by the Legislature of this 
State." 

In the follovring Section, the 3d, we have secured to us, a very 
important right : 

'• The Military shall be subordinate to the civil power." 
Sec. 4th. " Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive 
fines miposed, nor cruel punishments inflicted." 

Sec 5tli. "The Legislature shall not grant any title of nobility, 
or hereditary distinction, nor create any office, the appointment to 
which shall be for any longer time than during good behavior." 

Now the provision in this article gives the people an opportunity 
to remove, by impeachment, any officer who may neglect to dis- 
charge iliQ duties of his office. That of the 6th Sec, is equally 
important : 

'• The trial by jury, as heretofore used in this State, and the lib- 
erty of the press, shall be forever inviolably preserved." 

Now all those clauses in the Constitution are laid down — the re- 
strictions in that policy of Government, which we, the people, have 
adopted, that the Legislature we appoint, as oiu" agents, shall not 
have any power to alter or amend ; and further, to secure to our- 
selves the absolute control of the Government, under which Ave 
have united, by a firm league of friendship to support and defend 
each other against all attacks made against us, or any of us, either 

3 



IS 

on account of religion, soA^ercignty, trade or any other pretence 
whatever. These are the three principles, on which the rights of 
the human family have been attacked. 

The Pope and Mohammed, under their Monarchical and Tyra n- 
ical system of Government, attacked the people on account of reli- 
gion; and declared they should neither read, Avrite, speak, nor 
worship in any other way than they thought proper, under tlie 
pains and penalties of death; and that the Ministers of the Gospel 
should not have access to the people ; neither should the people have 
access to the Scriptures, under the same penalty of death. Now, I 
think, this was a very heavy attack made against the people, be- 
cause of religion ; and lest such an attack shoidd be made on us^ 
we have united ourselves under a firm league of friendship to sup- 
port and defend each other against such an attack; and under our 
system of Government, we declare we will enjoy the freedom of 
speech, and liberty of the press, and that the Ministers of the Gospel 
shall have access to the people, and that the people shall have free' 
access to the Scriptures, and that every man shall be at liberty to 
worship according to the dictates of his own conscience. For the 
words of the Constitution are these, Art. 8th, Sec. 1st : 

" The free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and 
worship, without discrimination or preference, shall, forever here- 
after, be allowed within this State, to all mankind; provided, that 
the liberty of conscience thereby declared, shall not be so construed 
as to excuse licentiousness, or justify practices inconsistent w4th the 
peace or safety of this State." 

Now this comprehends bond and free. And in this same section, 
there appears to be a provision made, as it were, to restrain the princi- 
ples infused into the minds of the persons deceived by, and under the 
influence of the Pope ; for it appears that the Pope has secured the 
ignorance of the people, and makes theni believe it to be their duty 
to kill the Christians if they can do so. And, as it were, to prevent 
them, or any like them, from supposing Ave would tolerate any such 
wicked and cruel infringments on any of those who enjoy the pro- 
tection of our Government, w^e say in the Constitution : 

'' Provided, that the liberty of conscience thereby declared, shall 
not be so construed, as to excuse acts of hcentiousness, or justify 
practices inconsistent with the safety of the State." 



19 

TKose seem to be the principles and policies introduced by the 
people, for the purpose of defending tliemseives against any attack 
made against them, because of religion ; and I think it as wise a 
provision as ca.n be made. 

The nex.t principle, that we united ourselves for the purpose of 
dt;fending and supporting each other, was sovereignty. Now to 
show vdiat is here understood by the word sovereignty, it would, 
perhaps, be necessary to make a few remarks. What I understand 
by the w^ord sovereignty, is the right to make the laws, rules, and 
regulations of Government. And what I understand by the word 
Government, is the laws that are to be the ruling principle of our 
Government. So all Kings are styled sovereigns, and claim the 
right of prescribing the laws, rules, and regulations of their Govern- 
ment ; and also claim the right of choosing their principle officers, 
and of prescribing the manner of oath of allegiance, that each officer 
and citizen shall take, if he is absolute in the control of his Govern- 
ment ; binding every one to support and defend the system, which 
he establishes; and at the same time introduces a system of policy 
such that, should any one either speak, or v/rite against, or resist the 
laws he has established, or speak against him, as the supreme head 
of the Government, the penalty vrould be death. So you see, that 
all Monarchs, who rule, or ever have ruled upon the earth, have to 
use the same policy, or they never could retain their power and do- 
minion over the people, for they are the physical power in every , 
country, and are the true sovereigns, until they suffer themselves to 
be bound by the same policy ; for there is no other pohcy used by 
any King, Prince, or Potentate to deprive the people of the right of 
revolution; and this is one i??^/9or^an^^oi?i^, with which the people 
should all become acquainted, for it is much easier for them to be 
bound, than they have any idea; and for that reason, I w^ish every 
citizen to examine this part of the icork with great care. 

Now, to take a simple view of the subject, it seems to us, who are 
free, very curious, that one man should secure the control over so 
many millions of men — that they w^ould suffer themselves to be put 
to death for resisting his will, or decree, when we consider the great 
physical power to rest in tJre people. But we have so great a wit- 
ness as this before us ; view the Globe, from East to West — from 
North to South — from Centre to Centre — from Pole to Pole, and see 



20. 

if you can fini 0:1 its surface any part, wlisre the people have, 
escaped coming under a Monarchical Government, but the citizens 
of America ; and we were under it, until God by liis great power^ 
goodnessandwnsdom, has bestowed a greater blessing of freedom, 
and libert}^ on the people of America, than has ever been bestowed 
on any of the human family, since the fall of Adam, and has blest 
the people generally, by directing them in their choosing virtuous, 
honorable, just and good men, to the care and management of the 
affairs of the Government. This appears quite evident vrhen I con-^ 
siler the great ignorance that prevailed among the people respect- 
ing their rights, liberties, and privileges, and consider how little they 
understand what form of Government would either make them free, 
or bond. Although v/e have united ourselves, for the purpose of the, 
better securing to us, and our posterity, the pure principles of liberty, 
yet/cii? of usknow all the principles and policies connected vvuth 
our system of Government, that are best cpJculated to secure safe to, 
us the absolute control over our own Government. My object isj 
>4i3refore, to show and make the thing so plain, that every one can 
fully understand the pohcy that will both make them bond and free, 
for the situation v. e are in at this time, is not safe — being so much 
divided in opinion. But if 1 can be so fortunate, as to show in so, 
plain a manner, and in so simple a style, both the right and wrong 
way, so that the most weak capacity ca,n understand all the poli- 
cies both of Monarchical and Republican principles, it will make 
every man able to watch and guard for himself, that those design-. 
ing a.nd intrigueing characters, can not take the advantage of 
their ignorance. And if this was the case, all Monarchical Govern- 
ments would soon be at an end. 

But, to return to the subject of sovereignty — to show that all 
Monarchs and Despots have to form a part of the beasts policy, and 
acts in part as the beast spoken of in the Scripture; for they are^ 
compelled to confine the knowledge of the people in part, they 
must confine their knowledge on all political affairs ; and they have, 
no other way to do that than by establishing it as a part of their 
system of government, that no one shall either speak nor v/rite 
against the King, nor resist the laws established by his authority, 
imder the pains and penalties of death. Now. simple as this policy 
seem.s to be, it is all and the only W3.y the Kings of the Earth have , 



ECiainecl thsir rule, doiTLinion, authorii}' and controi over the liu-. 
man faniih^, lor this places the people in such a sit 



oil i 


;liat fl- 


'■cy 


*, CY'- 


tlan^ 


-to 


tb; 


'^V WOl 


lid 


:;, h ^ 


A-hom 





attempt to lorm a secret conspirac}^ against tiie ix 
jeopardize their hves at the hands of evevy })'m;;;oi: 
might converse on the snljject, so that some one would reveal the. 
secret, and all who could be found :oncerned in the plot would be 
condemned to death. As you see, simple as t'lat policy se^nis to be, it 
is one of the hardest things in Dature to resist its power. And I 
may go ihrther and sa}', that it is so hard a task, that, altjiough 
many have attempted to resist that pohcy, hy forming a secret con-, 
spiracy, I think History barely gives any account of a single in-, 
stance of success, through the vrhole page of time, from the time 
Monarchical despotism v^^as first established over the human, 
family. 

So we, the people of America, should be well guarded against 
that policy and system of government— never suffering ourselves to._ 
be brought under that system and policy by our own agents, either 
hy their intrigue or deception. If they could get the people to give, 
their consent, permittuig them to pass a law, that would inflict the, 
penalty of death on any one, who should either speak or wnite. 
against any act that should be passed by the Legislative power^^ 
either of the States or of the United States, or to resist the law 
estabhshed ]3y them., the penalty should be death, that would ati 
once give them power to make such laws as they thought proper. 
Vie would then, be in a far worse condition than if v/e had a Kingo 
The constituted authority established by us, to.be the supreme law, 
would be of no use to us, vre Avould be bound to go by the will of 
the Legislative power, be it right or wu'ong ; and let the laws be 
ever so cruel, we dare not complain. So be on your guard on this 
point. 

This is what I call sovereignty. Now, this policy, when intro- 
duced, either in behalf of a King or Legislative authority, conveys 
at once hco powers, which have, perhaps, escaped the notice of the 
world. In the first place, it places the people in a situation in wliicli 
they cannot form a body politic, for the revolutionizing and protect- 
ing themselves against any tyrannical law, which the Legislative 
power might think proper to pass. And in the second place, it gives 



them power to make what laWs^ tliey tiiink proper. And in general, 
when they intend to force great cruelties on their suhjects, they 
form some court from which there can be no appeal — sometliing 
like the Pope's Inquisitorial Court, from which there was no appeal; 
and when this is once done, it places the people in a situation, that 
they will be rendered unable to protect themselves by any law.— 
Now this is what I call sovereignty, for all sovereigns claim the right 
of choosing their own oHicers, and of prescribing the oath of allegiance, 
which both officers a,nd citizens shall take. 

Now loe, the citizens of America, entered into that firm league 
of friendship with each other, to support and defend each other 
against any attack made against any of us on account of sove- 
reignty, and in order to put up a defence against such an attack, 
as I have just described, we have adopted a system of government, 
which we have committed to an instrument of writing contained 
in the Constitutions, both of the States and of the United States. 
Now those laws, rules and regulations, which we have adopted, for 
the purpose of protecting ourselves, are these : We claim the right 
of choosing our own officers, and we have prescribed the oath of 
allegiance, which every officer shall take, which is : he shall dis- 
charge the duty of the office for which he was appointed, to the 
the best of his abilities ; and that he w411 support and defend the 
constituted authority, vrhich we have laid down to be the supreme 
law of the land, and which is not to be altered or amended with- 
out our consent, and through a certain plan laid down in the Con- 
stitution, which is as follows : 

^- Art. 11th. Sec. 2d. No part of this Constitution shall be altered, 
unless a bill to alter the same shall have been read three times in 
the House of Representatives, and three times in the Senate, and 
agreed to by both branches of the vrhole representation ; neither 
shall any alteration take place, until the bill, so agreed to, be pub- 
lished three months previous to a nevv^ election for members to the 
House of Representatives ; and if the alteration proposed by the 
Legislature, shall be agreed to in the first session by two-thirds of 
the whole representation in both branches of the Legislature, after 
the same shall have been read three times, on three several days, 
in each House, then, and not otherwise, the same shall become a 
part of the Constitution." 



28 

Now, Fellow Citizens^ here is the most important point connect- 
ed with the principles and pohcy of onr government, which secures 
to the people the right of sovereignty, for all sovereigns claim the 
right to make laws and regulations. So we^ the people^ being the 
true sovereigns, claim the right of making tlie lav^s, by which we 
are willing to be ruled and governed, and have not done as all other 
nations before us — given the power to the Kings or their agents, 
whom they had chosen, and left it in their povv^er to make what 
laws they might think proper, and leave themselves ivithout any 
course but obedience. Now the Roman Government, which came 
the nearest a true Republican Government of any other in the 
world, was so very deficient in that very point, that they v/ere hardly 
as Avell off as if they had possessed a good King. In all they imi- 
tated a Repubhcan Government was, that they had secured to 
themselves the right of choosing the men who should make their 
laws ; and at the expiration of a certain time, their office v/as ren- 
dered vacant, and they could elect others, if the laws made by 
those who had served did not give satisfaction. And this appears 
the only way they had of rendering null and void, any oppressive 
law that might have been forced upon them. And by their having 
that power, it appears from the whole account History has given, 
that that government was in continual confusion, for when one 
Dictator got into office, he had as much pov/er as a King during 
his term of office. And any one who thinks proper to read the 
History of the Romans, will see that all wdio were intrusted with 
the office of Dictator, had insinuated themselves into the favor and 
affections of the people so well, that they usually went into that 
office with the general approbation of all. And very often, when 
first elected, they would show such great symptoms of tender and 
humane feeling, that they would shed tears in presence of the people 
when justice would require them to sign a warrant for the execution 
of a criminal, they would thus weep merely for the purpose of insin- 
uating themselves still more fully into the favor and affections of the 
people, that they might suppose themselves safe, should they entrust 
ever so much power into their hands; and then soon afterwards, 
when they had secured a large majority of friends, and organized a 
set of officers, prejudiced in their favor ; and also, having prejudiced 
so large a majority of the people, in their favor, that they could con- 



24 

sider tlieiiisch'es completely sec are ; then would tliey begin to show 
tlicir true chiractcr and disposition, and would be guilty of the most 
ci-uel barbarity ihat bninan invcnd^n could devise. One of those 
Dictators, of wlioni Ilonian b; tw. y gives an account, would, under 
pretence of shaving some of his :-.rb-ocis. cut off their noses. An- 
other would feed wild beasts, whicii ho kept ibr his own amusement, 
with human bodies: — the persons, whom lie would throw to those 
wild beasts, were snch as were poor -^nd without friends. And by 
way of turning it oil' as a joke, say that: "that was the way he 
'cleared oil his accounts, by releavinglhe Government of that much 
'charfye." And in other instances, he would invite his horse to his 
own table, and present him gilt-oats to eat, and wine in a golden 
CUD to drink. And it is said, that he would have appointed him 
to the Consulship, had not his death prevented. His cruel and 
barbarous acts are equally insane and inhumane. He slev»^ many 
of the Senate, v* ho would not ac(|uicsce in his views, and after- 
vrards, cited them to appear, as if they had killed themselves. He 
"cast great numbers of old, infirm, and decrepit persons to v.dld 
beasts, to free the State from such unservicable citizens. He usu- 
ally fed the wild beasts with the bodies of those vvretches whom 
he had condemned ; and every tenth day, sent off many of them 
10 be thus devoured, which he jocosely called, clearing his accounts. 
One of those victims cried out, that he Vv^as innocent — he, immediate- 
ly ordered his tongiie to be cut ofT. He took delight in killing 
men by slo^v tortures, that as he expressed it, they might feel them- 
selves dying, being himself always present at such executions — 
directing the duration of the punishment, and mitigating the tor- 
tures, merely to prolong them ; in fact, he valued himself for no 
quality more than this brutal disposition. 

Now, this shovvs, at once, hovv^ unsafe the people are, when their 
system . of Government provides no other safety for them, than 
merely the discretionary will of those Vv^hom they, through confi- 
dence, may choose. You see this was the case under the Roman 
Government, that the people v^^ere not safe, neither in their persons, 
nor in their property ; for those men whom they elected, having it 
in their power to make what lavrs they thought proper, and the 
people having no particular rule laid down, which they should not 
transcend, nor having any lawful arbiter, by which they could 



25 

have any law pronounced null and void, this left them entirely 
under the control of those ihej elected. And in place of doing 
like the people of America, clioosing their servants and agents^ 
they chose their masters ; for they Vi^ere bound to submit to what- 
ever laws, those they elected, thought proper to make. And on 
that account they were not safe, neither in their person, nor in their 
property ; and were very little better off, than those w^ho w^ere un- 
der the authority of the Pope and Mohanuued. For in some in- 
stances they would asume the authority of passing a law, freeing 
every man from all the debts he ow^ed; at other times making 
laws to divide all the laaids, and all other property, equally among 
all the people. 

Novv^ this should be a lesson, teaching the ^vorld the inconsis- 
tency of placing so much power in the hands of a few individuals, 
and shows that men are not safe, wdien they give the power out of 
themselves. This was the imperfection in the system of the Ro* 
man Government. The people gave the power of making the 
law^s into the hands of their agents, instead of keeping that powder 
in their own hands ; and in consequence of that, they became 
the complete prey of those whom they had chosen, and had 
placed themselves in a situation that they could be plundered and 
robbed at the will and pleasure of those w^hom they had elected, 
for I can see no difference myself, in robbing a man of his rights, 
under the name of a law, or of robbing him without law^ — the 
one is doing as much injustice to the individual who is dispossessed 
of his just right, as the other. And if his right is taken away 
from him under the name of law, the loss is as great to the indi- 
vidual, as if he w^as robbed by a highway robber ; and I might, I 
believe, say \vorse, for the law would protect me in getting my 
property back, if the highw^ay robber could be found ; but in the 
oth^r case the very law^ that should protect me in my rights, be- 
comes my robber ; and, therefore, I say, that any set of men, that 
v/ill attempt to take away any individual's rights, under the name 
of law^, is worse than a highway robber, for he strikes at the very 
root of all good, and the very essence of liberty and justice. It 
w^ould be violating the principles of a republican form of govern- 
ment in tw^o ways, first, it would be giving the right of making the 
la^vs to the Legislative authoritv, instead of remaining in the hands 

4 



26 

of the people ; and that would make the Legislative authority 
sovereign, in place of the people; for vrhoever has the right to make 
the laws are the true sovereigns. If the people only had the right 
to elect men, then, those they elected, had power to make what 
laws they thought proper, this would only be giving the people the 
right of choosing their masters^ in place of choosing their agents. 
And this is the only reason our system of government is superior 
to any system ever introduced among the human family : for under 
our system of government, we, the people, have retained the right 
of making the laws ourselves. 

Now this view of the subject, my /eZZoi^ citizeTis, when first pre- 
sented to you, will appear rather a strange argument. What ! the 
people make the laws, you say, and not the Legislature ? What 
then, do we have the Legislature for, if it is not to mxake laws 1 
This I will try to show you after a vrliile ; for if the Legislature 
had power to make whatever laws they thought proper, and we 
had no course but obedience, this would make the Legislature the 
sovereigns. But as I contend that the people are the sovereigns, 
1 must show that they are the law-making power ; and this I will 
try to prove by the Constitution. For when we entered into that 
firm league of friendship, to support and defend each other against 
all attacks made against us on accomit of sovereignty, under our 
well organised system of government, we introduced those neces- 
sary defences, v.iiich are as follows, and which I have siiown in 
two or three difierent places of this Wo7^k : that is, when we, the 
people, adopted this constituted authority, declared that it should 
be the supreme law of the land ; and that it should not be altered, or 
even amendeclj unless it should first be proposed and agreed to by 
two-thirds of both branches of the Legislature. Now after two- 
thirds of both Houses gave their consent, it could not become an 
alteration nor law, unless they would make it kno\\Ti to the peo- 
ple, by advertising it three months previous to the election of an- 
other set. And as the people would have three months to consult 
with each other on the proposed alteration, and having it in their 
power to elect vvdioever they please, could either approve or disap- 
prove of the proposed alteration, by the next set of Legislators 
thev would send. 



Now this provision in the Constitution secures three or four very 
important clauses in behalf of securing the right of sovereignty to 
the people. In the first place, it secures the right of making the 
law, for after the establishing of the Constitution, no law was 
binding on the people, unless they gave their consent in that way. 
In the second place, the laws the people had made w^ere to remain 
the supreme law, unless they altered the laws by their own consent, 
which completely retams the making of the laws in their own 
hands. In the third place, it provided a way by which we could 
alter and amend any laws which vie might disprove of, or introduce 
any laws that we should tiiink proper. So you see, that retains 
the law making power with the people, and by that means retains 
the right of sovereignty in their own hands ; which if it was not 
for that clause in the Constitution, Legislators might say that they 
had the right to make the laws. Now, you see, we have not given 
our agents power to alter or amend tiie lav.^s, without our consent; 
and the Constitution provides that all power is originally vested in 
the people, and all free G&vernments are founded on their authority. 
Now, the Constitution is their authority, declaring what laws shall 
be made, and what shall not be made; and goes on to say: "are 
instituted for their peace, safety, and happiness." Now if the laws 
are made for their peace, safety, and happiness, they must be made 
to prote ct us in our just rights. And, I am sure that is what all 
laws should be made for, and not to oppress and deprive us of our just 
rights and liberties. And the Constitution provides further, for the 
safety of the people, and says: 

"No freeman of this State, shall be taken, or imprisoned, or dis- 
seized of his free-hold, liberties, or privileges, or deprived of his life, 
liberty, or property, but by the judgment of his peers." 

And as if by giving a double explanation of the plan by which 
every citizen shall be tried, it says: "Or by the law of the land." 

As no other laws are authorized by the people, but such laws as 
are authorized by the Constitution ; no other law but such as are 
made by that authority, can be considered the law of the land. So 
it is the law of the land, that, no free citizen shall be outlav/ed, or 
in any manner deprived of his liberty, or privileges, but by the 
judgmr-ixt of his peers. Now I understand the judgment of his peers, 
to have r^^ference to the jurors appointed under the constituted au- 



2S 

thority of the people themselves ; all of whom are bound by the 
oath of allegiance, from the Constable to the President to support 
ani defend the constituted authority of the people. That oath 
binds the judges to decide in favor of the citizens, if the Legislative 
authority should attempt to outlaw any of them ; and as the Con- 
stitution provides, that we shallnotbe outlawed, or deprived of our 
liberties, or privileges, except by the judgment of our peers, this 
places us in a situation, that should the Legislators, either in Con- 
grcES, or the State, pass a law contraiy to the Constitution, which 
would deprive us of any of our liberties, or privileges, v/e have a 
right, under the Constitution, torefuseobedience to thatlaw. And 
as we cannot be compelled to obey, only by the judgment of cur 
peers, this enables the citizen, by his attorney, to put up his defence 
and show b}^ the Constitution, that the Legislature had no authori- 
ty to make such a law: and the judges being bound, by their oath 
of office, to decide according to the Constitutionality of the case, 
this furnishes the citizen with complete protection, under the law, 
vrithout beuig under obUgation to any man, or set of men, to claim 
his right for him in any case, where the Legislative authority 
should attempt to outlaw him, vdiich puts it in the pov^er of every 
citizen to protect and defend himself, and makes him an independ- 
ent and free citizen. For our Government being a government 
of principles, and not of Legislative authority — a union of individ- 
uals, and not a uaion of Lsgislative authority; this union of in- 
dividuals binding themselves under a firm league of friendship, to 
support and defend each other against any attack made against 
them in any way Vv hatever; and have secured to themselves the 
freedom of speech, and liberty of the press, in this Government of 
principles which v'e laid down as the supreme law of the land, 
through which every citizen can receive protection — and each be- 
ing bound to sustain each other vdien he clamis bis right accord- 
ing to the constitutionality of cases — it places it in our power to 
combine our ph3'sical power, so that we ca.n, at all times be ready 
and able to support and defend each other: and this is one im^ 
r}ortant thing the people might to kjiow, for the depriving the 
people of the freedom of speech, and liberty of the press, is the very 
and only pohcy used by Kings, Monarchs and Despots, by which 
they prevent the people from uniting their physical powers. 



29 

This is the only engine, simple as it appears, connected with 
one or two other policies, such as making a law that whoever 
eoeaks a2:ainst or resists the iaw: ^ ;t ' K ■ ;.! by tho3e v;ho claim 
the right of Sovereignty over the ...;.,.::.■, :;-..l the penahy diali bo 
death. And then keeps a standing army, at the expense of the 
citizens, to put any one to death, \vho win either use the freedom 
of speech, or hberty of the press, or resist any kiw, or aathority 
which they might think proper to estabhsh, no matter how oppres- 
sive or unjust. And, then they iiaye topay money to the Monarch 
to clothe, feed and pay this army to keep themselves in bondage. 
Now you see how im^portant it is for the citizens to retain the free- 
dom of speech and the liberty of the press ; for they are the only 
means by wdiicli they can combine our phj^sical pov. ers. Now it is 
very evident, that the people, from the first pa.ge of time, ah.vays 
had the physical power, but the Kings, the Pope, Slohammed and 
all Despots, prevented and took away the physical power from them. 
So, notwithstanding the}^ had so much physical povvxr, that the 
sim[l3 policy which I have named, completely disabled them from 
using their physical povvxrs. Nov/, you see that it is a much easier 
matter to take away the physical povv'er from the people by a politi- 
cal power, than you would have inmiagined ; and this is the very 
reason the Kings, the Pope, Mohammed, and other Despots, have so 
easily secured the absolute control over the lives, liberties, and pro- 
perty of the people, for they being ignorant of the plan and policy 
of the Government, that would bind, or make them free. 

Now, alm33t all the evils and cruelties that have been inflicted 
upon the human family, from^ the first page of time, have been in- 
flicted through that pohc}^, for the decree of the Pope w^as,that '^No 
man should read, write, speak, or worship, in any other way than 
he thought proper, under the pains and penalties of death. Tlie 
decree of Kings, Monarchs, and Despots, was, that no man should 
speak or w^rite against him., or the laws establKhed under his au- 
thority, under the sam^e penalties of death. Now, you see none of 
them can get along without that pohcy ; and we are the only people 
upon earth that are free from being bound by that policy ; and it 
may be well represented as the great mysteries of Babylon, and 
sometimes the great whore of Babylon, with whom the Kings of 
the earth committed fornication, until the Saints of the c( 



30 

maJe drunk by the bloG J of their foinication, for it is through that 
'/cry policy, they were able to bind the strong man, spoken of by 
our Saviour, in the parable. I have no doubt in my mind, but that 
the strong man mentioned, was an emblematical representation of 
the people of the v^xrld, for they were really the strong man. and had 
all the physical pov/er in their ovvn hands, until they suffered them- 
selves to be deprived of the freedom of speech and the hberty of the 
press ; and that at once deprived them of their po \ver — their house 
was completely spoiled ; for under the authority of the Pope and 
Mohammed, the people were prevented from either speaking, read- 
ing, v^riting, or worshiping, in any other way than theij thought 
proper ; and deprived the Ministers of the Gospel from having access 
to the people, or the people to the Scriptures. In this way, and by 
that simple polic}^, ail means of light and knowledge was cut off 
from the people. And we being the only people on earth, vrho have 
escaped that bondage, I think vve cannot be too careful in retaining 
our ovv'n liberties and privileges, for v/ith that power the Kings cf 
the earth protect themselves against the Dhysical power of the peo- 
p!e. 

Now, we use the same policy to protect each other, only we re- 
verse the process ; we say every one 5AttZ/ enjoy the liberty of the 
press, and freedom of speech, both in political and religious affairs, 
w^hich protects us in having full access to all the means of light and 
knov.dedge, in political and religious matters. Now, just see how 
the same policy can be used — to use it right, how^ much good it can 
do — to use it wrong, how much harm. 

And to make you more sensible respecting this policy, let us com- 
pare some Scripture passa,ges, and see whether that policy will rep-. 
resent the mystery of Babylon — the mother of Harlots, with whom 
the Kings of the eaxth committed fornication. We will look at 
the XVII Chapter of Kev. 1st verse. 

'• And there came one of the seven Angels which had the seven 
vials, and talked with me, saying unto me, come hither ; I will 
shov7 unto thee, thejudgment of the great whore that siteth upon 
many v/aters ; Ver. 2, With vvdiom the Kings of the earth have 
committed fornication. 

Now, the Scriptures seem to represent her as sitting upon many 
waters — as spreading over and covering a very great space, and 



31 

represents the Kings of the earth as using her, and committing" for- 
n 'cation with her ; and the inhabitants of the earth being made 
drunk with the wine of her fornication. Now, you see, (as I have 
akeady shown,) that vras the only pohcy, by which the Pope, Mo- 
hammed, and all the Kings of the earth, compelled men to commit 
sin, and v^^orship contrary to the plan revealed by God ; and it 
represents the people, that have been made drunk with the wine of 
her fornication. Nov/ the way the people were made drunk with 
the wine of her fornication, is this, they were simple enough to be 
made believe that that policy v/as right ; and was calculated to 
protect them from heresy, and with their physical power, support 
and defend this policy, in behalf of the Pope, Mohammed and all 
other Despots, and assist in riveting that bondage, both on them 
selves and on their children. 

Now, when they supported such things as these, they must have 
been very ignorant, and might well be represented to have been 
drunk with wine which compelled them to commit sin, and would 

not allow themselves the right to speak or think for themselves. • 

The Whore is, also, represented as having seven heads — sometimes 
as sitting on seven mountains, which are emblimatical of the seven 
engines of power used b)^ her. 

Now I will endeavor to show what those seven mountains of 
power are, under the authoiity of the Pope and Mohammed. Four 
of these engines of power he uses to force men to sin — they a]-e the 
prohibitions to speak^ read, lorite, or worship in any other way than 

they think proper, under the pains and penalties of death these 

are four of his engines of power. The other three are : The Pope 
himself— the Head. Second, the Priests under his direction. 
Third, the Liqidsitorial Court. Now those are the seven eno-ines 
of povv^er used by him, which will represent the seven heads ; for 
those seven heads secures to him all the power he possesses. You 
will see in Scripture the Beasts are always represented as having 
seven heads. 

Now, I will endeavor to show you Mohammed's seven heads of 
power. He has introduced the first four with the Pope, that is : 
no man under his control and authority should read, write, speak 
nor worship in any other way than he thinks proper, under the 
pains and penalties of death: The other three is: first, Mnham- 



32 

med himself— llie Head. Second, the Qifi.cers, who execute the 
laws. The third which serves instead of the Inquisitorial Court, 
formed by the Pope, who required them to go to every man's house 
and search whether he had the Scriptures or not, and receive a 
confession of their faith, with privilege to put any to death, whom 
they might pronounce he:etlcs; in place of that policjr, Mohammed has 
ordained that every one under his authority must appear once m his 
life time, and worship Mohammed in person, afterwards once every 
year in person, or send his representative, which saves the trouble 
of visiting every man's house, to receive their confession. Now 
you see these are the seven hea,ds or policies, which secure to them 
ail the power they have, and may be represented as the Beasts 
having seven heads. Now^ it is also represented in Scripture, that 
the Beasts made war with the Saints, and that no man might buy 
or sell, save him that ha,d the mark or image of the Beast. The 
mark is represented as being in their foreheads or in their hands. 
Now their mark is very visible in tlieir foreheads. The manner 
in which their knowledge is confined, represents their great igno- 
rance — this is their mark in their foreheads. If some should be 
more wise, they dare not use the hand to Vvnite, in order to make 
knovm the deception to the balance of the community. And 
both those beasts established a lav^ that no one should be protected 
in an}^ way, under the law, unless he conformed to the rules laid 
down by the Beast. 

And under these circumstances commenced the most cruel per- 
secutions against our poor brother Christians, ever w^itnessed or 
known upon earth. Now you see, wuth this very policy the Pope, 
Mohammed, and the Kings of the earth committed fornication. — 
And they may also be represented as the "man of sin," for by their 
policy they compell men to sin, and withhold all means of light 
and knowledge from the people, both religious and political ; so it 
is impossible for the people to come to the knowledge of God, for 
the Scriptures teach that by the wisdom of the world no man 
knew God. Now, if by the wisdom of the world no man knew 
God, then there is but one way by which he can be known, and 
that is through the revelation given of himself, contained in the 
Scriptures of the Old and New Testament. All those means were 
cut off from the people by the Pope and Mohammed, for they had 



33 

establislied a law forbidding any Slinister to preach or dispose of 
the Scriptures among the people, under the penalty of death. You 
see that all means of knowledge, which God had given to the 
world, through which they might know him, vf as cut off from the 
people. The Pope will also represent anti-Christ, spoken of in the 
Scriptures, for he teacjies all those whom he has so cruelly deceiv- 
ed that they must confess their sins, before him, and that he is the 
only pei-son who can make intercession with God for them, which 
places him in the place of our Lord and Saadour Jesus Christ. — 
The Scriptures plainly tell us, that Christ is the only one who 
can make intercession between God and man, which makes the 
Pope anti-Christ. He maybe represented also as the " man of sin," 
for he has prevented the human family from having access to that 
knowledge which God had given the V70rld, through which they 
might know him, and by that means covered the earth in the most 
gross darkness, error and cruelties ever committed or ever will be 
on earth again. 

Now let me sho u^ you the three simple policies, that enthroned 
tile Pope vrith iiis first power, and enabled him to establish all the 
rest of his powers he has ever had upon earth. In the first place, the 
King, where he lived, had the power. To palm deception on 
him to get the povfer into his own hands, he effected wdth 
ease. First, he incensed the King against the Christians, repre- 
senting them fis the only enemy he had to fear, he being himself 
the Kings best friend. And he began to Vv^arn the King of the 
great dpmger of giving the Christians any power in political affairs, 
that they would revolt against liini and deprive him of his king- 
dom. The King consulted vv ith the Pope respecting the plan he 
should pursue to protect himself against such danger, as he had 
described. This was according to the Pope's wish — that was what 
he Vv'anted the King to say. He advised the King, that the best 
thing he could do, was to pass a law that no one should hold an 
ofnce under his Government, unless he professed the Catholic 
Faith. Now this placed the execution of the laws in the hands of 
the Pope's friends— those he had so completely deceived, that they 
thought he could send them to Heaven or Flell at pleasure. This 
gave liim oiie of his engines of power with which to work, 

5 



34 

The Christians not being as v> ise as this old Serpent — the Pope 
■ — and not knowing what this, connected with other pohcies, he 
might adopt, what harm this could do to them, were not much 
alarmed, for they did not so much care about an office, as they 
did about the right of conscience. The inability to hold an office, 
\vas a small thing in their way, and did not in the least retard their 
progress. This gave occasion for the Pope to make another propo- 
sition to the King ; so he advised that he should do soiuething to 
put a stop to the Christians, or they would soon take his Crown — 
that he would incur the displeasure of Heaven if he did not — and 
that his salvation could not be procured. The King believes all^ 
— wished to know at once what he had better do. This is as the 
Pope wished. He advised the King that he should pass a decree 
that none of the Christians — called by the Pope heretics — should 
have any protection under law. This placed the poor Christians 
at once in the power of their enemy — the Pope. This is another 
point of power the Pope succeeded in securing, which placed the 
Christians so completely in the hands of the Pope and his friends, 
that they beat, abused, robbed and plundered them as they de- 
sired, and they could receive no protection from the law. Under 
all these persecutions, the Christians increased, and the Pope soon 
saw, that if there was not something done to stop their increase, 
that they would soon discover to the world the great deception he 
had forced upon the people. 

Now the next thing he does, is to go to the King and and tell 
him, that there was but one way for him to escape being rumed 
by the Christians. The King wishing to know how he could 
protect hunself against his imaginary enemies, asked the Pope 
w^hat way it was^ and how he had better act. He advised the 
King that he should pass a decree, for thePope to appoint a set of 
Holy Inquisitors, who should have power to put to death any of 
the Heretics they should find in the Govermnent, and that from 
their decision there should be no appeal ; for he said no court 
could be found sufficiently impartial to pronounce against their 
decision. The King believed that decree would act only against 
his supposed enemies, he granted the Pope this power, and then the 
Pope had swindled him out of every portion of his power, for if the 
Pope and inquisitors should pronounce (he King a heretic, they 



could kill him as well as any other person ; this the King discovered 
when it was too late, for his power was gone to the Pope, and he 
had no means of recovering it, and the Pope soon convinced him of 
that, and compelled him to kiss his great toe, 

Nowjust see what great power those three simple pohcies gave 
the Pope ; first passing a law that the heretics should hold no office^ 
— that they should have no protection under the law, (the Pope to 
be the judge whether they were heretics or not,) — and that the 
Pope should have power to institute a court, from which there 
.should be no appeal, and that there should be no power to call 
them to account for any thing they should do. This just furnished 
them those means, with which they have been able to subdue Kings 
and people, under all that tyrany and cruelty, recorded in so many 
histories. 

To give some better idea of the power he had, and to show how 
much Kings dreaded his power, for this policy and intrigue with 
the people, and to show you how much the King himself dreaded 
his power, he passed a decree that no King should be crowned 
without his consent, and the manner in which he should be permit- 
ted to receive the crown, was that they should come and He down 
at the Pope's door three days, before he would condescend to speak 
to him, and after he had lain there three days, the Pope would 
condescend to speak to him. He then had to go to the stable and 
catch the Pope's horse, and lead him to his door, and help him in 
his saddle, put his feet in the stirrups, lead his horse a certain dis- 
tance and back to the door again, and then kneel dovvm before he 
was allowed to ask permission to be crowned ; then, and not till 
then, would he permit him to be crowned. Now, you must know 
that his having power to appoint a court from which there could 
be no appeal, must have given him great power on earth, or he 
never could have kept Kings in such dread of him. Now this is 
simply what gives such great pov/er. When there is no appeal from 
a court, that is the end of the law ! you can have no appeal under 
the laAv in any other court ! and that court must rule all other 
courts. Now, 1 call on my felloiv-citizens, to be aware of suffer- 
ing any such courts to be established over them, lest they be made 
to get down on their knees and ask for what is their own. For iij 
this State, although the constituted authority of the people sayi 



36 

that, '-The Military sliall be subordinate to the Civil pov/er/' which 
means that the Mihtaiy laws shall be in subordination to the Civil 
laws ; yet the Legislature of our own State passed a law, that there 
should be no appeal from the decision of a Court Martial, which 
would place the Military above the Civil law, and would reverse the 
powers of the people ; for v.dienever there is no appeal from a coiirt^ 
there is the end of the law, and this would establish a Government 
of Military, and destroy our Government of Civil pov/er. Some, in 
justification of this act, will say, the rule by v.^hich the Court Mar- 
tial shall decide, is prescribed by law\ But suppose this Court should 
decide contrary to the prescribed law, hov/ is the citizen to protect 
himself against that unlawful decision ; he cannot carry his case 
before any other court, to show that he has not received justice by 
the decision of the Court Martial ! Then the citizen must be out- 
lawed, for he is prevented from having a hearing before the civil 
tribunals, and his doom, just or unjust, must be decided by the Mili- 
tary law, from Vvdiich there is no appeal. This places the citizens 
under a Military Government, which Avould make a real Military 
Monarchical Despotism, and would be no better than the Pope's 
Inquisitorial Court, and would take the power out of the people's 
hands, and place them under Military Oilicers; whereas, the sys- 
tem of government I contend for places all offi :ers, small and great, 
under the people's control; for the people giving the Constitutions, 
as their authority for our government, and it being a government 
of principles and not of Legislative authority, and every man in 
office being bound, from the least to the greatest, to support and 
defend these principles, it binds all to conform to that rule. So 
you see, our system of government binds every oflicer to support 
and defend the principles we have laid down as the rule of our 
government. Now 3'ou will see ou.r Government is a government 
of principles. And, Vvdiereas, the Kings have bound all in office, 
to support and defend him, their sovereign of the government, and 
if he is absolute in power, he binds every citizen by the sam^e oath 
of allegiance. Now, you see, v^e, the people, reverse the oath of 
allegiance, and bind every man in office, from the Constable to the 
President, to support and defend the Constitutions, both of the State 
and the United States, which contain all the principles we have laid 
down as the rule of government, And according to this principle^ 



37 

we have bound ourselves to support anJ defend each other, first 
tiaming rehgion. then sovereignty, v^diich is tlie right of making the 
laws, as I have beibre shown what policy in tiie Constitution se- 
cured that right to the people, the next was trade, then any other 
jyreience whatever. Now you see the Legislative authority ha^ve 
assumed the right of making laws contrary to the Constitution, 
which you have laid down for them, as your a,gent3, to go bv. But 
now when they attempt to outlaw you, they say you shall have no 
appeal to any other court, but such as they have appointed under 
this Military Monarchical Despotism. You will sa}^, I see they 
have got us in a close place ; as Vv'-e have no appeal, I would be 
glad if you would show me how to get out of it. This I vrill do 
after a while, but as I intend to show the people before I am done, 
that they are in a great many close places, more than tiicy are 
aware of, I v»nll try too, to tell them how to get out of them alL and 
then try to tell them how to get clear of them all at one time. 

I have stated in the first part of this work, that I believed an at- 
tack was made against every pari of our li'jerties, and my reasons 
for describing what I have in this first part of the work, is to prepare 
your minds for judging between sight and wrong, and sliow you 
what cruelties have been inflicted on the people, by giving the 
political power in the hands of a few, and leaving it at their descre- 
tion to make what laws they might think proper ; and our Govern- 
ment is the only one upon earth that has retained the political and 
physical pov/er in people, as a body politic, vvdiich it has done all 
over the United Stalest , at the sa,me time retaining to the people 
of each State the absolute control over all their domestic rights; for 
I contend that each State, or the people of each State, are a seperate, 
and independent Government, to regulate its ov^m domestic affairs. 
So there are thirty seperate and independent Governments Vvdthin 
the United States, for the people of each State have the right to 
make what la ws, rules and regulations they think necessar}^ to regu- 
late their domestic affairs. The Constitution prescribing that rule, 
and the people having expressed their will through the Constitution, 
and Ijinding their Legislators by the oath of allegiance to support 
and defend that Constitution, it secures to them the law making 
power; and if they make a law contrary to the Constitution, it is 
not binding on the people, for they are only the people's agents; 



3S 

and the people created them their ag'cnts expressly to discharge the 
duties required in the Constitution. Now the power of a;l agents 
is to act no farther than the pernii.ssion given by the written Consti- 
tution. This is the case with our Legislative authority, we have 
not elected and given them ail discretionary powers to make wliat 
laws they please, for if that were the case we vrould make our Gov- 
ernment, one of Legislative authority, and not a Government of the 
people. But as the people have declared their will through the 
Constitution, it forms a Government of principles, with which ali 
acts of the Legislature must accord or they are not binding ; for if 
tliey make any lav/ contrary to the principles of the Constitution,' 
all the citizen has to do, is to refuse obedience to that law; and as 
they cannot compel him to obey, only through the plan provided in 
the Constitution, tliat is, by the judgment of his peers, this gives 
him a chance to protect himself from being outlawed ; for he can 
then, by his attorney, shovr by the Constitution, that they had no 
authority to make such a lavv^ And the judges are bound by their 
oath to decide according to the Constitutionality of the case. He is 
not bound to decide according to any act passed by Congress or the 
State Legislature, but according to the laws established in the Con- 
stitution, which shows at once that it is the base of Government, 
making our Government one of principle — the people the author 
of those principles. And then in order to adopt a rule that the peo- 
ple should still express their will through the Comstitution, and not 
through their Representatives, Vv^e have adopted tliis plan, vrhenever 
our Representatives might think there was any thing wanting in 
the Constitution — our expressed ^nll — we have authorized them to 
propose alterations, or amendments, for the part so needing it ; but 
we require them to make those proposed alterations known by 
advertising three months previous to the election of another Repre- 
sentation, so that the people may have sufficient time to examine 
that alteration, v.diether it suits them or not, before they elect the 
new members; and so by them, they have a chance to approve, or 
disapprove of the proposed alteration. And in that policy of the 
Constitution, a plan is furnished by which the people may always 
express their will through the Constitutions. And this at all times 
secures the law making power to the people, and secures to them 
the right of Sovereignty, and represents that form of Government 



39 

represented at the time when the 'Wdlcniuni shall take place, when 
every man shall cat and drink under his o\vn vine and fig-tree, and 
none shall make him afraid ; for the people are not governed by 
anv law, hut hy such as they have authorized, a.nd have left it in 
the power of no one to estabhsh any law, but such as they may con- 
sent to, vrhich constitutes eating and drinking under their own au- 
thority, and have not left it in the power of no otJier authority over 
them. Now, this is the S3^stem of Government, I contend for every 
State — as a seperate, independent State — the people of each, hav- 
ing a right to make whatever laws and regulations they might 
think proper, to regulate all their domestic affairs ; and that no 
other State should have power to extend its laws over the territory 
of another State. Neither has Congress power to make any law 
to -interfere with the domestic rights of the people of any of the 
States, in any shape or form vrhatever, except for the purpose of 
laying on duties or taxes m the time of war, for the purpose of de- 
fraying the expenccs of Government, and for no other purpose — it 
being the Gfovernment of the people of the whole Union. 

And to show you that our government was an union of indivi- 
^•iduals and not of Legislative authorities, although the people of 
every State had the right to make what laws, rules and regulations 
they might think proper for the regulating of all their domestic 
affairs, and no State having the power to extend its lavrs into any 
other State, yet each citizen, under our general union, was to have 
free ingress and egress to and from every State in the Union, and 
enjoy all the privileges and immunities of the same State. Now 
under the general Union, although the law of one State could not 
extend into another, yet the citizens were to have free ino-ress and 
egress to and from all the other States, and enjoy all privileges as a 
citizen of the same State. And according to that union, when a 
citizen passed into another State,the law of that State was bomid to 
protect him the same as a citizen of the same State, and he could 
command the services of an officer to execute the law in his behalf 
the same as a citizen of the same State, and if he should refuse to 
obey, lie could have him impeached and broken of his commission. 
Now you see that a citizen, under this form of union, is a sovereign 
tfn-oughout the United States, and that he has lost nothing by the 
union, but has gained much. lie can. now, claim ilic protection 



40 

of eveiy man in the United St?.tes ; whereaS; tinder the union oi a 
seperate Sia,te, he could only claim protection to the extent of that, 
State ; but novv'. under the general union, he can claim the protec- 
tion of every citizen of the United States. So the greater the 
union the greater the protection, for the more who will unite them- 
selves for the purpose of supporting and defending each other, it 
makes that protection the stronger. This is one of the advantages 
vre, the people, gain under the general union. Another advantage 
secured to us is that right secured to us in the following words of 
the Constitution : 

'• Art. lY. Sec. 2d. Par. 3d. No person held to service or labor 
in one State, under the la. ws thereof, escaping into another, shall^ 
in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the 
party to vvmom such service or labor may be due." 

And in the 1st Section of this same Article it is said : 

" Full faith and credit shall be given in each State, to the public 
acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And 
the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the mamner in which 
such acts, records, and proceedings, shall be proved, and the effect 
thereof.'' 

Now these portions of ilie Constitution are the expressed will of 
the people, being one of those laws which they have laid doAvn as 
a general principle and plan through v*'hich they are bound to pro- 
tect" each other, and being a part of those supreme laws which 
ca^nnot be altered without their consent. And if your servant 
escapes from you to any other State, the law of that State is bound 
to protect and place you in possession of your servant, whenever 
necessity should require jou to seek him in that vra}^ But that 
there should be justice done to all parties concerned, it also provides 
that "every person claiming such servant or service, should be 
bound to give such satisfactory proof as should be thought neces- 
sary to justify the action of the Court in behalf of the person 
claimmg such servant or services of another."' It vrould be neces- 
sary to give the Court proof of such claim, therefore, the Constitu- 
tion provides that full faith and credit shall be given in each State 
to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other 
State ; and then prowides that Congress shall have the discretionary 



41 

po^vcr to say what manner, and in what way the people shall 
bring forward their proof to establish their claim to the satisfaction 
of every State. 

Now this Clause of the Constitution secures to us the right to be 
protected in our servants or other property, should they escape into 
another State. Although some States have so enacted their laws, 
that no person shall possess servants in that State, yet if our ser- 
vants escape into their State, the}^ are bound to deliver them to us 
whenever demanded. And that there should be no misunderstand- 
ing between the Free and Slave States, w^e say in th^. Constitution: 
■ " No person held to service or labor in one State, under the 
laws thereof, escaping into another State, shall in consequence of 
any law or regulation of that State, be discharged from such ser- 
vice or labor." 

This secures the right of the laws of every State within them- 
selves, for no one State has the right to make laws which would 
interfere with the private rights of the people of any other State, 
but on the contrary, are bound to protect them in all the rights 
held under the laws of their own State. Now see what an impor- 
tant advantage we gain under that system of union, for under 
this view of the subject, we have relinquished none of the sove- 
reignties of the law of our State, but add largely to its sovereignty, 
for instead of being bound to support and defend each other to 
the extent and boundary of the State, we of the general Union, have 
all the people of the United States bound to protect and defend us 
in every right to the extent and boundary of the United States, so that 
our State, instead of being as sovereign as it was before we entered the 
Union, is now thirty tim.es as sovereign as before. So in place of losing 
by entering the union, v/e have been greatly the gainers, for our 
government is so constructed that every man is permitted to eat 
and drink under his own vine and fig tree, and none to make him 
afraid, for there is no authority established over the people but 
their own. And as I have shown, they have under their own 
hands, expressed their v^^ill through the Constitution, and not 
through the Legislative authorities, and b}^ binding the Representa- 
tives to be governed by this Constitution, gi\ang them no discretion- 
ary power, only to make such laws as will put such and such into 
power as we have described in the Constitution, which is the only 

6 



42 

way the liberties and privilegcG of the people can be secured under 
their o^vn control and authority. And should one man think it not 
right to possess servants, and another think it was, each man can 
enjoy his own opinion. If he does not wish to live in a State where 
Slavery is tolerated, he can accommodate himself by removing to 
a Free State. Novv^ in this same Art., the 4th, 3d Sec, it says : 

'' And nothing in this Constitution shall .be so construed as to 
prejudice any claim of the United States or of any particular 
State." 

New this clause shows that the Constitution provides for the peo- 
ple of every State in the Union, a complete protection, not only in 
their o^yYi State, but likewise all tlirough the United States : and 
ever}- clause goes to strengthen this protection, for under this plan 
of government, the people do not have to surrender any right to 
secure any other pmticular right, but every policy is to strengthen 
his right, and instead of losmg he is always gaining more, for we, 
the people, formed the government, and then as a body-politic 
e?i masse elected our agents to manage the •affairs of our govern- 
ment—binding them by the oath of allegiance to support and 
defend the expressed principles vrhich vve have laid down therein,- 
So you see our Government is one of principles and not of Legis- 
lative authority, as was the Roman Government, it not being one 
of principles, the people under it only possessed the power to elect 
their Representatives, and those Representatives had power to make 
what laws they deemed proper, and the people were obliged to obey. 
The onl}- remedy the people had against any oppressive law they 
might deem proper to make, was to elect another set of Represen- 
tatives, who v.-ould alter the oppressive law, which still made the 
people dependant on the Legislative power to give them their rights. 
But sometimes one set of representatives would pass a law that all 
property should be taken and divided equally among the people, 
and this being done, this property vrould be so wasted and destroyed 
before another jepresentation could be chosen, that the true pos- 
sessors of this property would fail of being put in possession of their 
just rights. Should another set of Legislators pass a law that every 
man should again receive his proper right, it would be so vv'astedc 
consumed and destroyed, that it vrould be impossible ever to col- 
lect it aofain. 



43 

These are the disadvantages the Romans labored under by giving 
those men they elected the discretionary pov/er to make what laws 
they should deem necessary, and by not having any well organized 
system of principles established in a constitution, by which they 
could refuse to obey an}^ such unjust laws — this they had not 
done. In this respect our Government far excels that of the Ro- 
man, or any other ever established on earth, for we have written 
principles, which is the supreme law of the land, and which we 
bind our Legislatures to support and defend. And if they pass any 
lavv contrary to the Constitution, we can refuse obedience to that 
law, and they cannot compel us to obey except by the judgment 
of our peers, who are bound to decide according to the constitu- 
tionality of the case, which enables every citizen to protect and 
defend himself under our v/eil organised system of laws estab- 
lised in the constitution. The Constitution of South Carolina 
says, in Art. 9th, Sec. 2 : 

'*' No freeman of this State, shall be taken, or imprisoned, or dis- 
seized of his free-hold; liberties, or privileges, or outlawed, or 
exiled, or in any manner destroyed or deprived of his life, liberty, 
or property, but by the judgment of his peers, or by the law of the 
land." 

Now to show you that the people have a right under the Consti- 
tution, to appeal to the decision of the Constitutional Court of the 
United States, I will cite your attention to the Constitution of tho 
United States, Art. 3d, Sec. 2d: 

" The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity, 
arising under the Constitution, the Lav/s of the United States, and 
Treaties made, or which shall be made under their authority, to 
all cases affecting ambassadors, or other public ministers and con- 
suls — to all cases of admiraityand maritime jurisdiction — to contro- 
versies between v.diich the United States shall be a party — to con- 
troversies between two or more States — between a State and citizens 
of another State — between citizens of different States — between 
citizens of the same State, claiming lands under grants of differ- 
ent States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and Foreign 
States, Citizens, or Subjects." 

Now to show you the necessity of appointing those constitu- 
tional judges, in the first place, I contend that there are but two 



44 

principles through which the human family can be protected, the 
one is laii\^ the other revclution. Now as ws have laid down laws 
and regulations, by which we are to be governed, and have formed 
our Government under a well organized system of laws, which 
can protect and defend us, both in oui' domestic, and political rights, 
and as it is common for disputes to arise among the hmna-n family, 
and no one would be capable of giwing an impartial dicision, when 
personally ^interested, hence, it is entirely necessary to have a law- 
ful arbiter appointed, who should have a right to decide on all dis- 
puted points, that peace should be preserved among the people, and 
that justice might take place, xind to show the necessity of having 
a lawful arbiter appointed, we could, (if so disposed,) agree to ap- 
point arbiters, and in this manner settle our disputes, and it vrould 
answer every purpose. But suppose one of the parties had m pos- 
session some property, to v.^hich he knew he had no proper right, 
and would neither agree to arbitrate or deliver up the property, it 
would be necessary there should be a lawful arbiter, before w^hom 
he could be compelled to appear, or otherwise loose the case by de- 
fault. Now those are some of the ends destined to be accomplish- 
ed by the law. Were this not the case, v.'e would have no way to 
obtain our rights but by revolution. And as I contend, there ar© 
but two piinciples by which the human family can be protected — 
one hy km, the other by revolution, therefore, when we can protect 
ourselves through the law. We have no need of revolution, for one 
man has as much povv-er to protect himself through the law, as ten 
thousand have. For instance, suppose one man would sue on a 
note payable to himself alone, and suppose one thousa.nd men w^ere 
in copartnership and should draw a note payable to the whole JirTn 
with the names of every individual attached, the one man, with his 
name alone, would have as much power to collect by law, as the 
thousand. But suppose they had to recover their money by revo- 
lution, the thousand vrould have greatly the advantage. So here 
is the great object of uniting our physical power b}^ a Union of all 
the States. So v^'e, the people, can give full physical power to en- 
force those laws we have provided for our defence against both poli- 
tical and domestic invaders. Now, our Government is formed on 
one of the most honorable principles of any upon earth-— upon the 
principle of love, and must be the plan of Government spoken of 



45 

by our Savour, when describing to liis Apostles the means by which 
they might know each other : "If you have love one for another, by 
this all men shall know that ye are my Disciples." So our Gov- 
ernment is one formed upon principles of love. And in another 
place, describing what manner of government his was, said: "It 
was not such as the Scribes and Pharisees." For those who had 
offices under their system of government, exercised great rule over 
the people, but not so under his Government, for he that would be 
greatest in his Government should be servant of all. Now, this is 
the true situation of our Govermnent — the President holds the highest 
office, and is servant of all. Mow, I contend, that our Government 
is a united, consolodated Government of the people, a.nd that they 
do express their will through the Constitution, and not through their 
Representatives ; and that every man in office, from the Constable 
10 the President, is bound by his oath of allegiance to support and 
defend the Constitution. And the judges of the Supreme Court 
are bound by their oath to decide according to the constitutionality 
of the case, and not according to what Congress or the Legislature 
by a majority say! So should Congress or the Legislature of any 
State pass a law^ contrary to what the Constitution of the people 
has authorized, they could refuse obedience to that lav/, and as our 
Constitution has provided that " no freeman of this State shall be 
taken, or imprisoned, or disseized of his freehold, liberties or pri- 
vileges, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any manner destroyed or de- 
prived of his life, liberty, or property, but by the judgment of his 
peers." Hence the people can set aside any law or laws, passed 
by either the Congress or the State Legislatures, by a well organ- 
ized system of lav,^s, under the authority of the people, superceding- 
the necessity of a resort to the sword. With the law, the people 
are in a situation that every citizen can protect himself against 
any attempt on the part of their agents, who might assume the 
authorit}^ of making laws, not authorized by their Constitution. 



THE POLICY AND PLAN OF THE GOYERNMENT OF 

ENGLAND. 

I vnllnow attempt to show, in a plain connected plan, the policy 
of the English Government, and by what means the King controls 
the physical by the political power ; for it seems very strange that 
one nictn could control so many millions of the people, and at the 
same time having no more, or perha^ps not so much, physical power 
as many thousands of his subjects, yet at the same time by a po- 
litical power he can so govern their physical power, that he can 
make them light whom he pleases, and where he pleases — put ta 
death whom he pleases — make them submit to what laws he 
pleases. Strange as this may appear, we know this is the case 
with all Monarchs, Kings, Princes, and Potentates. Now the way 
the Sovereigns of England control all the power, and thus secure 
it, they first pass a law in favor of the landlords of the Kingdom; 
who possess large bodies of land, that the oldest son shall always 
inherit the real estate, which confines the real estate in the hands 
of a few. Naw to take a simple view we could not at first sea 
how that would give the king any power, but this is where his 
power commences. He then enacts that no one shall be a member 
of parliament, but those landlords. He then gives them power W 
make all the laws — to regulate all the domestic affairs of the peo- 
ple. Those Lords can, then, make the laws just to suit themselve?^ 
and in so doing, they make it a law that the rent shall be collected 
before any other claim Vvhatevcr : and that no person shall shoot a 
rabbit or a bird, or any wild fowl of any kind, nor catch fish from 
the water on the premises of said landlords ; and have made laws 
for the punishment of any who may trespass in any of these par- 
ticulars. They can also prevent the importation of grain of any 
kind, whenever by importation it is reduced to a certain price, sa 



4S 

by that means, the landlord secures to the man, who leases from 
him, a certain price for all grain raised on his soil ; and this ena- 
bles him to give the landlord always a regular price for his land. 
Now while those landlords enjoy such pri\dleges as those described, 
it is very reasonable to suppose they would not wish to change that 
form of government ; and they answer as a watch and guard for 
the King throughout his government, for they have the people all 
as tenpmts, and have their oiScers, who collect their rents and are 
dependant for their living on those Lords, and they keep up the 
necessary Avatch to see that none of those laws made by the Lords 
should be violated. So 3^ou see tha.t no secret insurrection could be 
formed sufficient to free them from this form of Government, w^ith- 
out some of those officers of the lanlord's discovering it. This 
penalty being death, tp all who shall attempt an insurrection — every 
one would risk his life, who should speak to another on that sub- 
ject. And the King always keep a standing army sufficient to quell 
any secret insurrection that should be attempted, besides, ihej give 
all the more important offices into the hands of the sons of those 
landlords. The better to carry into effect those laws, he has another 
watch and guard, equa,lly as strong as that of the landlords. — He 
lays all his Kingdom off into square Parishes, and then places a 
Minister of the High Church of England, in every one of those 
Parishes, and he lays a tax on every citizen throughout his King- 
dom for the purpose of setting a salar}?" on all of those Ministers ; 
but before he mstalls them Vv^ith the right to preach, they have to take 
an oath, that they will prpty for the King night and morning, and 
that they v»dll encourage his subjects to be faithful and true to the 
King, the defender of the faith; and that they T\dll make known 
to the King or his authorities, if any insurrection or attempt at in- 
surrection is made sgainst the King. 

Now, this is the pohcy and plan by which the King of England 
controls the physical power of the people by the political power. 
Now, you see, A\ithall the intelligence the people of England have, 
it is out of their power to effect any thing by revolt,^, where there 
are so many strong Vv^atches, guards, and defences. Pie first secures 
the friendship of the lords by giving them the power to make all 
the domestic laws to suit themselves, and while they enj 03^ so many 
privileges over their fellow men, they will not want the Govern- 



49 

iilent cliangecl. He secures the Mmisters of tlie Ciiiircli of England 
I)}' making them dependa,nt on him for pa}^, oiso dependant on him 
for a situation. Nowlhavenot written the pohcy of the British Gov- 
ernment for the purpose of bringing the Kings or (Queens into con- 
t erupt ^ but to show the people of America, hov^ easy it is to bind 
the strong man — (the people,) who have all the physical power, 
mid hovr easily Kings and Potentates have controlled the physical 
bv the political power. For I believe the English to be one of 
the best Governments that is, or ever has been on earth, except the 
American, wliich far surpasses it, and which I will attempt to show 
in the latter part of this work, is the system of Government that 
will exist during the MiUenial dispsusation, when the lion and 
lamb shall lie down together, and the use of the sword shall be dis- 
pensed vrith. 

Accordmg to the calculations of some of our best Divines, the 
Millenium should have commenced some three hundred years ago ; 
a,nd I believe their calculations were correct. For I think the 
Government of England first gave introduction to it, by causing 
the lion and the lamb to lie down and get up together. The law, 
under the Pope and Mohammed, being the great lion of power, 
preventing the Ministers of the Gospel from having free access to 
the people, and also preventing the people from having access to 
the Scriptures, and as the Scriptures say that by the v/isdom of the 
Avorld, no man knew God, so that God was not known only 
through that revelation, which he has given of himself. So the 
lav/ under those two povvxrs, and also under the pov/er of many 
other Monarchs, restrained that means of light and knowledge God 
has given to the world, by which they might knov/ him. Now, 
the government of Englpmd v^^as the first that ever formed a secure 
system of Government to protect the Ministers of the Gospel to have 
free access to the people, and the people free access to the Scriptures. 
Now, in this respect, viewing the Lata as the Lion, and the Gospel 
as the Lamb ; under the Pope and J^,Iohammed, the lion was at 
war with the lamb, but under the Government of England, the law 
is still the lion, yet protects the Gospel — the lamb, and the two 
supporting each other, may be represented as lying down and get- 
ing up together. Novv^ for this reason I would say the people of 
England should be faithful, loyal, and true to their Kings and 

7 



50 

Glueens, who are cind have been the true defenders of the faith (o 
the extent of their power. 

And I do consider that no nation has ever been conquered by 
the British Government, but has been bettered in their situations 
by that conquest ; they have been better protected under their laws 
in their rights and hberties, than they were under their own 
Government. There is only one law^ and pohcy in the Enghsh 
Government, that I can perceive to be oppressive^ that is the pohcy 
which fixes the hereditaiy right to the real estate, in the eldest son. 
All the distress that befalls the people of England is entailed through 
that policy, at least so far as Government arrangments are con- 
cerned. And it seems very unreasonable that, because one child 
was bom first, he should be possessed of a princely estate, while the 
rest should be throv/n upon the frov/ns of fortune. Now, if the? 
land was equally divided among the legatees, and each legatee hav- 
ing full power to sell, deed, an d convey it to othere, if he choose so- 
to do, it would create a stimulent to industry among the people irr 
general, so that industrious and enterprising citizens would be 
the possessors of the soil. And it is this class of citizens, w^ho are 
always the most useful to society. But if the Government of Eng- 
land should not think proper to do that, owing to their usefulness, 
as a watch and guard, but restrict their povv^er and let free trade be 
established for aH kinds of provisions, so that the poor laborer may 
reap whatever advantage it may give hun, by those importations, 
if that were done, I think the people of England should not com- 
plain. 



THE POLICY AND PLAN OF THE GOVERNMENT 
OF THE POPE, 

I will endeavor to show the policy by wliicii the Pope came into 
power, and how he has retained that sovereign power. First, he 
influenced the King to pass a law, (which I have already shown) 
that no one should hold an office unless he professed the Catholic 
Faith. This placed the execution of the laws in the hands of the 
Pope, and of those who would aid and assist him in executing 
iiis plans in whatever way he wished, for they believed he could 
^end them to Heaven or Hell at pleasure. This gave him his first 
power. The second law he obtained from the King was, that the 
Christians — though he called them heretics — should have no pro- 
tection under the lavv^s ; but the more they persecuted the Chris- 
tians the more they increased ; for their fortitude caused an enqui- 
vy to be made Vvliy those Christians would suffer so much for the 
sake of their religion. And in this vvay many Avere brought to a 
knowledge of the Scriptures, and v/eremade to see that the religion 
of the Pope was false. The third was a decree that he should 
have power to appoint a set of Holy Inquisitors, to go through his 
dominions, and put all the heretics to death wherever they might 
be found ; and that they should not be called to an account for any 
act they should perform under tJieir In quisitorial authority ; for the 
Pope being lioly could not err, and that there could be no court 
found sufficiently impartial to decide against his sovereignty. 

Those three laws completely robbed the King of all authority, 
and put the Pope as fully into power as any King, Prince or Po- 
tentate, and left the King with as little power as any of his subjects, 
for you see those wdio had the executing of the civil law were all 
prejudiced in favor of the Pope, and beheved he could send them 
to Heaven or Hell at pleasure ; and having the principle of gov- 



52 

ernment so arranged, that unless tliey professed tiie faith of the 
Pope, they should hold no oSice nor have any protection under the 
law ; — if they changed their opinion they were out of oiSce and 
under the penalty of the kav. And besides this they had enjoined 
it on the Civil and National Lav/ to inflict the punishment on all 
the criniina.ls pronounced worthy of death by the Inquisitorial 
Court ; so that he had united the civil tribunals of the King to 
enforce liis decrees, as well as not to be called to an account for 
any torture he might think pi'oper to infiict, in order to extort any 
confession he might wish to obtain. Now after he had established 
himself in the protection both of the civil pov7er and of the incjui- 
sitOiial court, if the King had refused to carry out his Vv'ill, he could 
pronounce him a hereticj disthrone him of his povrer, or put him 
to death, which he pleased, or both if he chose. So when all this 
is looked into, no one need be surprised, that he could retain his 
power and perform his will over both King and Subjects. And 
farther, to retain his power, he requires every citizen to svv^ear he 
never vv'ill forsake the Cathohc Faith, but that he will support and 
defend it both b}^ argument and the svv^ord, if need requires, and 
which is paramount to enlisting every Catholic in the world. And 
the better to keep them in ignorance, he teaches them that it is a 
crime to read the Scriptures; but tliat they should read the opin- 
ions of their father's, y\ hich conta,in such principles as teach sub- 
mission to their will, and teaches them that they must confess their 
sins often. So they completely fulfil that part of scripture, vrhere 
they are spoken of as making merchandise of men's souls. And 
to make it seem plausible to man, that by having to make confes- 
sion to their Priests, that it will make them more careful not to 
commit sin ; but it is evident, that it would have a very opposite 
efiect, for the Priests are to keep a profound secret of all they con- 
fess, and as they think no one knows them, but the Priest to whom 
they have confessed, at the same time believing them all forgiven — 
the Priest paid — and be as though he had never committed any 
sin. Under such a process he would soon become so hardened, 
that he would not care what crime he vv^ould commit, believing he 
could be so easily acquitted. And if ever he should become fully 
prejudiced in favor of such a belief, it is one that the natural man 
vrould not be disposed to change, because he would think his hap^ 



piaess secured by tli^ interccs:^loii of tlie Fnc.:;ts. an:l he would in- 
dulge in any vice, if lie were able to pay enough to satisfy tiiosc 
Priests. But the Pope and Priests have two objects in tins policy ; 
in one case, it serves to draw a large sum of money from the people 
but when they do not draw it suiliciently fast in this way, they have 
recourse to the sa.lc of indulgences, Vvhich grants the privilege of 
committing what ever sii\s tiiey please, for a certain time. For 
this plan of confession they have anotiier very important use, when 
the Inquisitor's Court v^^as in full power, those Inquisitors went 
around to every man's house and received a full confession and 
searched the houses, and if the Bible, Testament, or any other book 
was found in their possession not authorized by the Pope, the pos- 
sessor was to be put to death. So that if any conspiracy or revolt 
was attempted against the authority of the Pope, seme cne in 
making their confession to the Priests or Inquisitors, Vv^ould make 
it known, and they would put all to death that should be concerned 
therein ; this Vv^as their prime object for introducing this great plan 
of making confession to the Inquisitors and Priests. They make 
that policy ansv/er three great purposes; one vv^as to keep the people 
in ignorance, that they could rule them as they pleased ; the second, 
was to draw from them as much money as they v/ished ; the third 
w^as to place them in a situation that they might be informed of any 
secret plot or plan that might be started by the people to overthrow 
their pov/er. But to reconcile the people, they pursuade them that 
it was one of the greatest plans ever devised to destroy the povv^er of 
Satan, and to prevent the continuing of sin ; when at the same 
time I have shown it promotes the plans of Satan and man — uni- 
ting their political and physical power to secure the souls of men to 
the Devil, better than any plan ever introduced by King, Prince, or 
Potentate on earth. 

I will, now, attempt to show another policy and plan used by the 
Pope, which has been unobserved by the world, and which places 
Christians in more imminent danger than they are aware of. They 
have one of the deepest schemes laid for secret insurrection,ever laid 
by any Government on earth ; they bind every Catholic, that he 
never will forsake that faith, and that they will support and defend 
it both by sword and argument, if need require it ; to this thc}^ bind 
every one by an oath. Now this is all the same as enhsting every 



u 

Catholic ill tiie 'vorld. to fifdi whenever the Pope miglit th'nk pro- 
per to call on thcin. Now the plan he has to raise a secret msur- 
rcction and the manner in which he miglit efTect it w^ithoiit being 
snspected, is tliis : he has a certain day in every year, on which he 
performs a military projession, under the appearance of a form of 
worship, on this day all the Catholics are to appear with their arms, 
and famished with so much pow^der and ball as the Bishop or Priests 
may require, so tiiat on a certain da,y in each year every Catholic 
is under arms at one time over the world. Now^ as this is a custom 
over the world, and is continued from time to time, it is calculated 
to hdl to ease all suspicion on the part of the Christians, as to their 
having any design of insurrection in tliis plan. Now the great 
diinculty in raising a secret insurrection is in getting a sufficient 
number under arms at once ; but you see the Pope has adopted 
this policy and introduced it in a vray to lull all suspicion. 

But, suppose he intended to raise an insurrection against the 
Christians wdth the view of murdering them, he could confme the 
wdiole plan to the Bishops and Priests, and have the time fixed 
upon the night of one of those da^ys he performs those military 
processions, wdien the people w^ere off their guard. Thus, m the 
same night, over the w^orld, could every Catholic commence the 
murder of the Christians. So you see the Pope has hitroduced a 
policy better calcula.ted to raise a secret insurrection than any other 
everi' introduced on earth. This is the plan through wdiich the 
Catholics, about the time O'Connel was being tried in England, at- 
tempted to deter the government from putting O'Connel to death, 
and wdiich they called "rolling the ball," they having placed every 
Catholic under arms on a certain da}^, wdiich rather astonished the 
world. It was done precisely in this way — the plan was sent by 
the Pope to the Bishops and Priests. 

As I have stated, every Catholic is sworn never to relinquish his 
faith, but to support and defend it by argument, and by the sw^ ord, 
if need required. Now^ this is the same as to enlist every one, that 
Avhenever the Pope calls on him he must fight for him. 

Now^ according to this view^ of the subject, I would say a few 
things to my fellow citizens. I will present one thing to view", for 
your consideration, wdiether w^e have a right to receive a Catholic 
as a citizen, and give him a vote or office agreeable to the Consti- 



55 

tution. In the first place wc rcqlTire that none shtili be entitled to 
citiz^iship, unless he will taJ^:e the oath of allegiance to support 
the Constitiition^'both of the State and of the United States, and 
that he will lehnqiiith ah faith, fidehty and allegiance to all Kings, 
Princes or Potentates whatever, and which has to be done by him 
before he can be considered a citizen, or entitled to a vote, or to 
hold an ofiice or ov\'n land in the United States. The Pope is a 
Potentate of great power, and with an amount of money suihcient 
to carry on aai extensive war. He holds nearly all the vrealth of 
the dominion where he rules, for by his artifice he extorts nearly all 
the money the people make, to forgive tJieir sins, v»hich gives him 
money suliicient to raise and support an army ; and as tsiey arc 
all enlisted, how can they relinquisli that allegiance they have 
sworn to him. Their religion teaches them we are Heretics, and 
have no right to administer oaths, and any oath administered by 
us is not binding- on them. Now. if accordinar to their relig-iouS' 
principles they do not consider any oath administered by us bind- 
ing, vrhy should v/e admit them as citizens any more than wc 
could receive a tleathen. This is the reason v/e cannot receive' 
Indians and other Heathens, because vre have no confidence in 
their oath. Besides this, their religion teaches them that they— the? 
Bishops and Priests — can absolve them from any oath they may 
take before themselves or any other one Vvdiatever, so we could have' 
no security for their oath v*^ere we to swear them before any Bishop 
or Priest. 

And we know, that to secure their own povrer, the Bishops and 
Priests would teach them tbat they v\'ere absolved from all allep-i- 
ance, but to themselves. Now see the craftiness of tliis policy of 
the Pope and his Priests, they have introduced every policy to de- 
fend themselves against all political power, for where King& 
might require the allegiance of his subjects, he tea:hes them for the 
sake of appearances to take the oath, but that he can absolve them 
from its obligations. Now, when men's religion teach them those 
things, and their prejudices are so great, that they can so implicitly 
believe their deceiver, why or how can we receive them as citizens ^ 
or allow them a vote — to hold an o3icc — or take an oath? Now as 
the Scriptures command us to be wise as Serpents, and harmless 
as Doves : what I understand to be wise as Serpants, is to be wise 



enough to detect all the pohcies and plans hy which they Can take 
the advantage of us, and Avhicji would cause us to put up the neces- 
sary defence, to gnard against any attacks they have, or may make 
Cigainst us. Now the People were the strong man, hut you see 
how nicely the Pope, by his political power bound the strong man. 
The King had succeeded in binding the strong man, (the people,) 
but the Pope vras too cunning, for lie bound him and the people 
both, eind they had no way left to unite themselves 



THE POLICY AND PLAN OF THE NULLIFICATION 
PARTY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Novr, Fellow Citizens^ I will attempt to show you, that the great 
Goddess Nullification, of South Carolma — called the /S'^aie 
Right of South Carolina, which has been bowed down to. and 
worshipped lilce the great Goddess Diana of old, for a God, but 
was no God. So this great Goddess Nullification of South Carolina 
is worshipped as the Goddess of Liberty, but is not Liberty — and 
comes nearer the policy of the Pope, than any other policy ever in- 
troduced, both in taking away the power of the people, and of se- 
curing it in the hands of the Legislature. This will, perhaps, as- 
tonish the reader, when he sees this, in particular those who have 
been innocent and good enough themselves never to doubt the good 
intentions of our Southern Politicians. But all I will ask of my 
fellow citizens is, to dismiss the enemy prejudice, and suffer himself 
to use the faculties of his own reason, and I will be able to show 
that the politicians of the South, if not checked will, and are 
bringing upon the whole nation one of the greatest calamities and 
distress ever has been brought on the people since the days the per- 
secuting Pope had his power. In the first place, I will show that 
those politicians are aiming to destroy the government of the people, 
and to establish a policy of government over the people as tyranni- 
cal as that of the Pope, and leave them only one privilege, and 
that obedience. 

But in order to make my fellow citizens understand what I have 
stated, it would perhaps be best to show the policy and plan of the 
People's Government. In the first place, I contend that the union 
we have formed is one of individuals and not of Legislatures — that 
our government is one of principles — the people the authors of those 
principles — the Constitutions both of the States and of the United 

8 



58 

States, contain those principles, which the people both of the States and 

of the United States have adopted, and entered into a firm league of 

friendship, that they will support and defend each other, according to 

those principles contained in the Constitutions both of the States and 

of the United States, then the people elected agents to make laws to 

carry those principles into effect, binding every one, from the Constable 

to the President, to support and defend the constituted authority of 

the people, through which they have united to defend each other. 

In those Constitutions they declare that the principles contained in 

them shall be the supreme law of the land, and not to be altered 

except through the plan devised in the constitution. You will nov/ 

see, when this Union was first entered into by the people of the 

different States, under the articles of confederation, it says : Art. 

1st, the style of this Confederacy shall be the United States of 

America. Art. 2d, each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and 

independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right which is not 

in this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in 

Congress assembled. 

Now you see by the Union, the States, under the articles of con- 
federation, have not surrendered any of their sovereign rights, nor 
yet by any expression of the Constitution ; but as I will show by 
the union, that each State, or the people of each State, have strength- 
ened their sovereign rights. One of the State rights, which every 
State reserved to herself was, that the people of each State has the 
right to make what laws, rules and regulations they think proper, 
to regulate all the domestic affairs of the State, and that no State 
has any right to make any laws to extend into any other State ; 
and Congress has no control over the domestic affairs of the peo- 
ple of any State. So you see the people are sovereign in every 
State, making all laws and rules to regulate their own domestic 
affairs within the bounds of their own State, as much so as any 
King, Prince or Potentate. This is what I call the sovereign right 
of a State. 

Now the Nullification principle says that the States are as sove- 
reign now as before we entered into the Union, but I think I shall 
be able to show that we are thirty times as sovereign as before we 
entered the Union ; for before we entered the Union, we were bound 
to support and defend each other only to the extent and boundary 



59 

of the State, but now, under the g-eneral union, wc are bound to 
support and defend each other to the extent and boundary of the 
United States, so the more that unite to support and defend each 
other, it makes that defence the stronger. So having entered the 
general union, and being thirty States, besides some Territories, 
we are thirty times as sov'ereign as before we entered this union, for 
each citizen was to have free ingress and egress to and from all the 
States, and enjoy all the privileges and immunities of the citizens 
of the several or same State. Now this pohcy makes the citizen 
a sovereign in every State as well as his own, so that he can com- 
mand the obedience and services of an officer to execute the law in 
his behalf in another State the same as a citizen of the same State. 
So you see that by the union of the States, the citizens are not only 
sovereigns in their own State, but all over the United States ; and 
instead of being as sovereign, we are thirty times as sovereign as 
we were before we entered this union. And according to the union, 
as every State had the right to make what laws she should deem 
necessary to regulate their domestic affairs, within the bounds of 
their own State, it was necessary that the people should come to 
some agreement as to the manner each should regard the right of a 
different State. As some thought proper to adopt a constitution pro- 
hibiting the introduction of slavery, others thought proper to adopt 
one admitting slavery. So that ail parties might be accommodated 
according to their washes, it was necessary, under that league of 
friendship we have entered into for the peace and harmony of all 
the people of the United States, that we should come to some writ- 
ten agreement, in what manner we should be bound to protect the 
rights of each other, held in different States, therefore, it was agreed 
that if a servant or person bound to service by the law of one 
State, shall escape or flee to another State, they shall be bound to 
deliver up such servant or person bound to service ; and that full 
faith and credit shall be given to the proceedings of the other State 
It is in the Constitution in the following words: 

'•Art. IV, Sec. 2d, Par. 3d. No person held to service or labor in 
one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in 
consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from 
such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the part^ 
to whom such service or labor may be due." 



m 

And if a person conimits a crime, or offence in one State, and 
escapes to another State, they are bound to deliver up such person. 
So you see that the principles of the Union, also bind each other to 
protect the rights held under the laws of their own State, b}^ every 
citizen of other States. So according to the Union, we are gaining 
rights, and strengthening our protection both Domestic, Rehgious, 
KationaJand Political, and never surrenderincr asinsrle rig^lit. This 
is the great beauty of the Union, we are always gaining and never 
loosing. Another protection we gain by the Union, is tliis : if any 
King, Prince, or Potentate should rob, plunder or destroy the pro- 
perty of any or cither of us, by land or sea, our agents whom we 
have chosen to manage our national affairs, are bound to demand 
redress for the injury done. And as we have united to support and 
defend each other against all attacks made against each other, and 
have united our physical power for that purpose, under a firm 
leao^ue of friendship, we are bound to sustain each other — makino^ 
the claim of each citizen ecjual to a King. Now the Constitution 
of the United States, begins with the following words : 

'• AYe the people of the United States, in order to form a more 
perfect Union, esta'olish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide 
for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure 
the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and 
establish this Constitution for the United States of America." 

Now, you see that this Constitution begining with "We, the peo- 
ple of the United States," and that, •• We do ordain this Constitu- 
tion for the United States [of America ;." and then goes on to ex- 
plain in what manner all our agents shall be chosen, and what 
qualifications the}- must have, before we will permit them to hold 
an ofnce under our Government — giving them power only to make 
laws to carry into effect all the foregoing laws of the Constitution — 
how long they shall hold their office — how and in what manner 
they shall be chosen — laying down to each agent elected, the por- 
tion of duty assigned him to perform. So that ever}^ agent, from 
the Constable to the President, may know what portion of service 
we recjuire of him — that one agent n:iay not interfere with the busi- 
ness of another, so that every one elected, tlirough or b}^ authority 
of the people, stands accountal^le onh^ to the people — they being 
the only true sovereigns. As tlierc are but the two plans by which 



GJ 

the liuman fain 11}' can be protected — tlie one by law and the 
other by revohition — therefore, the people, under the Constitutions 
both of the States a.nd of the United States, have formed a well 
organized system of laws, by which the citizens can protect them- 
selves, superceding the necessity of revolution, for when a citizen 
can claim his right by the law, he has no need of revolution.— 
The law is as much bound to protect one man as it would l)e to 
protect ten thousand ; but the one could not have as much power 
to enforce the law as the ten thousand. Thus, you see the ne- 
cessity of the union to unite the physical powers, therefore, our 
government is a consolidated government, consolidating the power 
in the people of the Union, as much so as any King, Prince or Po- 
tentate have ever consolidated the povv^er of their governments in 
themselves, and secured the power of government under their con- 
trol. Our Government is a complete reversion of that of the 
Kings — changing the power to the people. There is no such 
thing as State Veto, State Interposition, Counter-Legislation, or 
State Nullification, for every thing of this kind v/ould run us into 
revolution, and would always give the stronger State power over 
the weaker. But we have fixed a much safer plan by which all 
laws made by our agents, not authorized by the Constitution can 
be mdlified. The Constitution of South Carolina declares that 
all power is vested in the people, and that all free governments are 
founded on their authority, and are instituted for their peace, safety 
and happiness, and then goes on to say : 

" No freeman of this State shall be taken, or imprisoned, or dis- 
seized of his freehold, liberties or privileges, or outlawed, or exiled, 
or in any manner destroyed, or deprived of his life, liberty or pro- 
perty, but by the judgment of his peers, or by the law of the kind, 
nor shall any bill of attainder or ex post facto lav/, or law impair- 
ing the o])ligation of contracts, ever be passed by the Legislature 
of this State." It also says: " The Mihtary shall be subordhiate 
to the Civil power." And that: "The trial by jury, as heretofore 
used in this State, and the lil^eity of the press, shall be forever in- 
violably preserved." 

You will see also in the Constitution of the United States, where, 
after an enumeration of certaiji riglits, it prinides, that it shall not 
be so construed so as to deny or disparage other riglits retained by 



62 

the people. Tlie powers not delegated by tlie Constitution, nor 
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively 
or to the people. And as it were giving a double meaning to the 
word State^ showing w^lien the word State was used; the people 
were intended. 

Now, I hope I have shown enough to convince the people that 
they are the true sovereigns, and that our government is one of 
principles, the people the author of those principles ; and that it is 
not a government of Legislators, but that the Legislators of Con- 
gress and those of the States are only the people's agents — the 
Constitution their power of attorney, which they have for their 
guide by vv^liich to act. And when they have acted as far as au- 
thorized by that power of attorney, then their power ceases, and 
any law they may make not authorised by the Constitution, is not 
hmdingon the people ; and as the Constitution provides that ";No 
freeman of this State shall be taken, or imprisoned, or disseized of 
his freehold, liberties, or privileges, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any 
manner destroyed, or deprived of his liberty, or property, but by the 
judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land" — the constituted 
authorities being the supreme law of the land. Now if our agents 
either in Congress or in the State, pass a law contrary to that au- 
thorized by that of the people, in their Constitution, they have noth- 
ing more to do than to refuse obedience to that law, and there is 
no way to force them to obedience but by the judgement of their 
peers. And the Judges of the Constitutional Court are sworn to 
decide according to the constitutionality of the case ! — The citizen 
can, by his attorney, show that they had no power to pass such a 
iaw, and thus by the Constitutional Court set it aside as unauthor- 
ized. So the citizen can protect himself from being outlawed by 
any of his agents— establishing that system of Government, under 
which every man can eat and drink without any to annoy, or make 
him afraid, for he eats and drinks under his own authority, and 
there is no authority above that of the people in our Government. 
And they have organized a system of laws, by which they can set 
aside any law which our agents might attempt to make, and which 
we had not authorized in the Constitution. And if we had not 
adopted a system of Government, by which we could refuse obe- 
dience to an unauthorized law, we v/ould have no use for the Con- 



03 

stitution. Anclif v/e Iiad no legcil plan by v,]iich we could render 
null an unauthorized lavr. but by counter Legislation, then would 
we have had a Government of Legislatures, and not of principles, 
ours would have been in the same situation of the Roman Govern- 
ment. 

Now, the Constitution answers one or two very important pur- 
poses ; first, it shovv s the agreement entered into by the people — 
shows what their contract was — and provides that the Legislature 
never shall have power to impair that Constitution — it answers as 
a povrer of attorney, to direct all our agents in the several duties they 
have to perform for us— and also lays down the principle ]3y which 
all laws shall be regulated. Now the nature of all laws respecting 
agents, is, that where an agent has a written power of attorney, he 
has no power to transcend what is expressly granted — our Consti- 
tution is to the same extent, as if I were to give an individual the 
power of attorney to sell, deed, and convey a certain tract of land — - 
describing the tract — the number of acres being one hundred, he 
would have power to sell that tract of land ; but suppose I lived on 
another tract, not described in his power of attorney should he sell 
it too, his sale would not be valid. So it is in regard to all of our 
agents, Vvdio conduct our political affairs ; and all we have to do, is to 
refuse obedience, and have them pronounced null by that lawful 
arbiter we have appointed to settle all disputed points that may 
arise under the Constitution. 

Now, for proof of this, let us see what the Constitution says, 
speaking of the judicial power the people have appointed to settle 
all their Constitutional rights, when any dispute might arise either 
betv/een themselves, or their agents, forming a well organized sys- 
tem, by which all disputes maybe settled by law, superceeding the 
necessity of the sv/ord, the Constitution says : 

" Art. Ill, Sec. 1st, The judicial povv^er of the United States, shall 
be vested in one supreme court, and such inferior courts as Con- 
gress may, from time to time, ordain and establish. The judges, 
both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices 
during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their 
services, a compensation which shall not be diminished during their 
conthiuance in office." 

Then it goes on to say in Section 2d, of this same Article. 



G4 

'-The judicial power shall ex (.ciid to all cases in law and equii}^^ 
a. rising" under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and 
treaties made, or which shall ]ye made, under their authority, to all 
cases ailccting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, to 
all cases of admiralty and martime jurisdictions, to controversies to 
which the United States shall be a party, to controversies between 
two or more States, between a State and Citizens of another State, 
between Citizens of diifcrent States, between Citizens of the same 
State claiming lands under grants of different States, and between 
a State or Citizen thereof, and Foreign States, Citizens or Subjects." 

Now to show the necessity of having such a court appointed, 
suppose an)^ of our agents were to pass a. law contrary to what 
they were authorised under the Constitution, if we had not 
formed that court as a lawful arbiter, to settle any dispute that 
miodit arise between us and our agents, respecting what lavrs they 
mi'dit make, tliat v\^e liad not authorised ; in such a case, were it 
not for this court, we would have no other way to resist them but 
by revolution. And thus Vv^e would be placed in the situation of 
the Roman Government, in which the people only had the power 
of electing their rulers, but had no way of resisting the laws they 
might pass, l3ut by revolution or counter legislation, and tlieir pro- 
perty might all l>e taken fi-om them ]3y one set of Legislators, and 
be totally destroyed before they could be protected by counter-legis- 
lation. But our Constitution provides that the people shall be safe 
and secure in their persons, papers and effects ; and there is no 
way in which they could be safe and secure, but by providing this 
court to set aside all attempts that, might be made against us by 
our agents to dispossess us by any law they might make, which 
we liad not authorised, and through that court nullify any act not 
authorised by us in our government of principles. In this way no 
law not authorised, could be forced on us without our consent. 

Now to show you the necessity of having a lawful arbiter in all 
cases, two mdividuals might both claim a certam piece of proper- 
ty, and if the}^ chose to do so, they might appoint a set of arbiters 
to settle the dispute between them without going to law. But sup- 
pose one of the parties had the property in his possession, and knew 
he had not the best right to it, he would not consent to have the 
case arbited, therefore it is in all such cases that each party should 



m 

he put on an equal footing to have justice done, that there should 
be a lawful arbiter appointed to compel him to come before a court 
of justice, and if he does not attend the case goes against him by 
default, so that the law places him under the necessity of presenting 
his case bef3re those kwfiil arbiters, where both their claims can be 
heard, and the parties sworn to J "' 'ccording to law and evi- 
dence. And in the some way : ::_::oig our agents, whom we 
have authorised to moke certoia laws described in the Constitu- 
tion, andotherswe have proliirio' ' :Oc:v;rom making; and if they 
would make laws not authorise J i. y ik: people,, and would contend 
that they had the povv^er under the authority given tlieni by the 
people, hence it was necessary tliat this lawful arbiter should be 
appointed to decide between them, for it is a \delded point, that no 
one could be found sufficient!}^ impaitiol to decide in his own case. 
And our judges, altliough tbey decide for others, would not be al- 
lowed to decide for themselves. And our agents, as it respects 
citizenship, are sovereigns, yet as it respects their ofiice they are the 
servants of the pc:"^^' o . 1 are paid by them out of the funds of 
government ; 3'et . ^s they are sovereigns, and have a right 
to be heard. So that ctll could receive justice, Ave have appointed 
this court to settle all disputes that might arise under the Constitu- 
tion, and places the citizen in a situation that a leav not author- 
ized by the Constitution could have no effect on his rights, hberties 
or privileges, nor could he be outlawed, or exiled, or in any man- 
ner destroyed of his freehold, liberties or privileges ; and still se- 
cures the lawful right of controhng any lav/ not authorised by 
themselves, so that their a^gents have no povv-er to rule over them. 
But perhaps you will say, I thought you said that the people com- 
menced as sovereigns, and tliat you would show^ under their plan 
of Government, they had retained their sovereignty— never part- 
ing with it, by placing any power in the hands of their agents, but 
now you appear to place the sovereign pov/er in the hands of the 
judges — this some might think on taking the first view of the sub- 
ject, but the citizens all being sovereigns, all having equal rights, 
and as it is natural for people sometimes to disagree, it was neces- 
sary that we should appoint some lawful arbiter, who should de- 
cide between us, laying down the rule by which he would be gov- 
erned in his decision, being sworn that he v7ould decide according 

9 



66 

lo the constitulionaliiy of tlie case. Having- appointed this law- 
ful arbiter, for the purpose of setthng such disputes as should arise 
under the Constitution, and am-eeino^ that Vv^e would submit to the 
decision of those lawful arbiters, when we submit to their decision, 
w^e only submit to what v/as our own agreement to do, one with 
another ; l3ut at the same time binding our arbiters to decide ac- 
cording to the constitutionality of the case, or which amounts 
to the same thing. The words of the constitution are as follows: 

Art. YI, See's. 2d & 3d. " This Constitution, and the laws of the 
United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all 
treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the 
United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges 
in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution 
or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. The Sena- 
tors and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the 
several State Legislators, and all executive and judicial officers, 
both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound 
by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution." 

J*^ow w^ere they to decide contrary to the Constitution, they would 
not be supporting and defending it, and would, therefore, violate 
their oaths. So to make it more plain and easy to be understood, 
we may say, they are bound to decide according to the constitution- 
ality of the case. 

The people will have no difficulty in following my plan of Gov- 
ernment, if they will always keep in mind, that the citizens are the 
true sovereigns, and that those Constitutions are and do contain 
the principles of Government, by which they have agreed to be 
ruled and governed, binding every officer from the Constable to the 
President, to support and defend them. And as the people have 
expressed their will through the Constitution, and not through their 
Representatives, and their will being expressed in writing, therefore, ' 
their agents have no other legal authority to act upon, than that 
expressed in the Constitution. So this Constitution serves to show 
the expressed Avill of the people, and also the contract entered into 
by the people of each State, and also that entered into between the 
people of all the States, and answers as the power of attorney, for 
every agent in our government, from the Constable to the President. 
And to give some idea of the beauty and form of "Our governmenty 



67 

and show how beautifally we have arranged it, mat no confusion 
should grow^ out of any arrangements that we have made, and 
how nicely we have arranged it that one agent should not interfere 
with the business of another, for instance, the law^ that exists in 
one part of the State is the same in all parts of the State, yet the 
State is laid out in counties. Now, the people in each county, elect 
their own officers, to arrange the affairs of that county — appoint- 
ing- their own .mao-istrates — -electin,g^ their own sheriifs, and all 
Oilier officers necessary to manage their domestic affairs ; also, all 
officers necessary for the military instruction of the people, and 
also what fines each individual shall pa.y if they neglect to attend, 
whS those officers meet to give them instructions necessary to pre- 
pare them for protecting and defending each other, according to 
these agreements we have entered into under the articles of union. 
Now when the people have appointed their ow^n officers to manage 
their alTairs within the bounds of their respective counties, those 
officers have no power to act for any other citizens than those who 
have elected them, for a sheriff in one county has no authority to 
act out of that county, just so with the magistrates and constables. 
And should they presume to act out of the bounds for vv^hich they 
were elected, the citizen, against whom they might presume to act, 
could rule them to Court, and have them punished for such an at- 
tempt. When we elect our Senators and Representatives of this 
State, they have no power to make any law to extend into any 
other State. Neither has Congress power to make any laws over 
or regulating the domestic rights of the citizens of any State. So 
you see this secures the sovereign right to the people of every State, 
to regulate the domestic affairs of their own State, and make the 
citizensof every State|safe in their persons, papers, and effects. Now 
you will see, the people have not appointed any one agent, to con- 
trol the acts of any other agent, for they may all be considered 
agents of the people, from the Constable to the President. But on 
the contrary, we have appointed a set of lawful arbiters, to settle 
all disputes that might arise, either between ourselveslll individuals 
or between ourselves or our agents. In this way the citizen can 
control the actions of any of their agents, from the Constable to 
the President, and in this way prevent any unauthorized act of our 
agents, that was not authorized by ourselves in the Constitution, 



68 

from haviag an}€bffect on us; and it surely is as reasonable that 
v/e sliould have a iavv^ful arbiter to settle disputes between our 
agents and us. as to have lawful arbiters to settle disputes between 
ourselves as individuals. Now, in this very point of view, the Ro- 
man Government vras deficient — they had no regular principles 
written down by v/liich to control the actions of their agents; nor 
did they have a constitutional court appointed to set aside any op- 
pressive LxW the Legislature should think proper .to pass, hence 
tliey were never safe in their property, persons, nor effects. For 
the only remedy they had, was to" apply to those who had op- 
pres-ed them, to remove that opnression. At first they thouo'ht 
b}^ having power to elect men to make their laws,' (by whiciWiey 
were to be ruled and governed,) would secure them in their rights , 
thinking that if one set made bad laws, at the next election they 
could choose men, who would alter those oppressive laws, and make 
them right. But they soon found they were deficient in protection 
under such a form of Government, for under that form of Govern- 
ment the Legislators could make la^vs that would go immediately 
into effect. Thus their property could be taken from them by the 
Legislators, for any purpose they might think proper, and all de- 
stroyed before they had any chance to elect another set to protect 
them against the tyrannical lav/ of the first. They could levy any 
tax or duty on them to build au}^ fortification or public work they 
might vnsh. They could pass laws that the property of the peo- 
ple should be divided equa%, and the people had no way to resist 
those wrongs but by revolution, for they had no lawful arbiters to 
render those laws null, as the people of the United States now 
have. 

The Roman Government attempted in tvv^o or three ways to 
provide a i-emedy for those evils, growing out of tiieir form ofgov- 
ment. They elected ofiicers, called electors, to examine the lav7S 
made by their Legislators, and unless they approved of them they 
could not become laws ; thus, they thought by choosing another. 
set of agentl^o examine the laws made by the Legislators, and 
giving them power to annul any thing they should deem unjust, 
would be a protection against usurpa^tion on the part of their Leg- 
islators, but they soon found themselves mistaken. They then in- 
troduced another plan, which vras, to appoint a' Dictator, who 



69 

should dictate tlie laws, and then send them to the Legislature ; 
and the Legislature and also the Electors had to give their consent 
before it could become a law. But all those provisions did not 
protect them against the usurpations of their agents, and the rea- 
son was, they still left the sovereign power in the hands of their 
agents, and had no way to check a law but by counter-legislation. 
They had not done as the people of America — formed a govern- 
ment of principles — svrearing every man in office, from the Consta- 
ble to the President, to support and defend those principles, and 
providing that#no freeman shall be taken, or imprisoned, or dis- 
seized of his freehold, liberties or privil||y, or outlawed, or exiled, 
or in any mpmner destroyed, or deprived of his life, liberty or pro- 
perty, but by the judgment of his peers. So they cannot be forced 
to obey any law but by the judgment of his peers. So you see 
we haye adopted a well organized system of laws under the Con- 
stitution, that we can protect ourselves from being outlawed by 
our legislative authority, and by this means have provided against 
all the defects that existed under the Roman Government, and 
have so completely placed the policy and plan of government un- 
der the control of the people, that they can regulate a.11 the acts of 
their agents by a well organised system of laws, superceding the 
necessity of a resort to the svv^ord ; and constitutiiig that form of 
government promised in the scriptures, where every man eats and 
drinks under his own vine and % tree, antl none to make him 
afraid, for there is no authority over the people, but such as they 
themselves have authorised. And to show tha,t this lawful arbitra- 
tion could not be fixed in a more safe place than that of the judges, 
they have no military force under their control — they have not Uis 
pov/er of making the laws, neither have they the pov/er of enforc- 
ing them when made. They have only the power of deciding 
between the parties in dispute ; even then the decision is not left 
entirely v\ith one judge, if an appeal is taken it then becomes a 
case before all the judges of the Supreme Court. Besides, the 
Constitution provide, that the trial of all crimes, except in cases of 
impeachment, sliall be by jury. So, you see, the people themselves 
form a part of the judiciary. And " such trial shall be held in the 
State v/here said crimes shall have been committed." Now in all 
cases where the trial is by jury, the attornies of both claimantswill 



70 

use ail the ingenuity tlisy can to sway the niindi; of the jury in 
favor of their dient. And as the people themselves are not so 
well acquainted \vith what may be the true nature of the law, 
and might be led astray b\^ the ingenuity and false statements of 
the attorney, it is very necessary that there should be a thhd party 
Yy'Iio could and was bound to take a disinterested course to instruct 
the jury as to what vras lavv'. correcting it and the testmiony, so 
that he could be some guide in directing them to do justice between 
all parties. This is one of the objects of our Judges. Then, 
again. o:ir judges are elected during good behavio^o they are not 
beholding to any one for jRir re-election, nor yet to any one for the 
continuaiion of then office, having them in a situation that they 
can decide mdependanth" ; and having notliing to recommend them 
in the higli esteem of their fellow citizens, but their independant 
and just decisions, betv\'een man and man, vrithout partiality;, favor 
or affection, is the only thing which will make them respectable, or 
honora'ole in the eyes of all men. And, I tliink I might say, that 
the people of America have been blessed with as good a set of judges 
as any nation ever posseseed, for so far as I have been acquainted 
with their decisions, both in domestic and political affairs, they 
have done tJieir duty, impartially, to the best of their judgments^ 
paid m ahnost all the cases right. One reason may be assigned 
for this. The people, or their agents, vrhom they authorize to 
choose and place our judges in office, have taken great care to select 
men, who have from long trial and experience, proved themselves 
to be possessed of those high, honorable and just principles that 
entitle them to the most imphcit comfidence, on the part of the peo- 
ple ; a.nd I am proud to say for one, I have never been disappointed 
in them. Now, the judges do not enforce the lavv^s in the different 
Districts, but the Sheriffs, neither do the Judges of the Supreme 
Court, but the President of the United States, for he is sworn to see 
the laws of the Union faithfully executed. So there are but two 
ways in which the human family can be protected, the one by law, 
the other by revolution. And as the people have, under our Union 
adopted a form of laws, through v^^hich every citizen can claim his 
right, both domestic and pohtical, under the beautiful fomi 1 have 
described, superceeding the necessity' of the sword to settle any dis- 
pute that migiit arise among us, for when the lavv can reach our 



case, we iia\"e no need for ibe sword. Now, cdtev the protection we 
have secured to ourselves against any usiirjiation on the part of 
one another, or our agents, through the decision of our judges and 
jury, we have other remedies under our Government, should those 
fail to give us the proper protection : for instance, we have secured 
to ourselves the freedom of speech and the liberty of the press, 
through which we can interchange opinions with each other re- 
spectmgthe affairs of Government; so if our Constitution was de- 
ficient in any manner in conveying or expressing our will for the 
more fully protecting us in our liberty or privileges, should the 
judges beat a loss how to decide, or should the words of the Con- 
stitution be expressed in a manner hard to construe as to what may 
be its proper meaning, we can through the press, make those thino"s 
known to each dftier ; and show each other the nature of the wrong 
and the manner of the evil, this can, by means of the press be made 
known throughout the United States, and have the Constitution 
altered and amended so as to express whatever w^e wished or de- 
sired, and in this way secure the right and liberties of the peo- 
ple as safe and secure as the wisdom of m.an could devise. And 
as Solomon says, "In the multitude of councel there is safety." So 
you see, the whole multitude of the people have to be consulted 
and to make the process of amendment the more certain to secure* 
their own rights, it requires tw^o-thirds of the people to give their 
consent before an alteration or amendment can be efTected. So^. 
you see, the people in this way, can by expressing their opinions, 
learn precisely what policy and principles are best adapted to secure- 
them in all their rights, andean have their plan of Government 
altered and amended in whatever way they think proper ; therefore 
the people could gain no advantage in any respect by the disolution- 
of this Union ; and I will venture to say, no one is a friend to the 
people, Vvdio would recommend them to disolve the Union on any 
pretext whatever, unless forced to it b}^ revolution. 

Now, I will attempt to explain the principles and policies of Gov- 
ernment, couched under the name oi State right of South Carolluety 
Nullification^ State Interposition^ State T>/o, a?nl Cou?,'tcr-Lcg^ 
islation, which has been bowed down to, and worshipped as the great 
Goddess of Liberty. And show that it is like the great Goddess 
Diana of old, who was worshipped as a(n-)d. but was no God. And 



72 • 

I think I v/illbe able to shoTr,that this great Goddes-s NuUificatioiii 
which was worshipped as the Goddess of Liberty, was noUberty,'biit 
the reverse of every thing that is hberty ; and show the people that 
they have been as badl};^ deceived as was the people of old, when 
they worshipped the great Goddess Diana, for a God, she being no 
God. I will give you the polic}^ and plan of Government introduced 
by and through the ordinance, but expressed more fully by the ad- 
dress accompanying the ordinance, to the people of South Carohna. 
Tlie address goes on to explain the right and expedience upon which 
they place the right and expedience of Nuhfication. Nov/ the whole 
sum and substani:e of that address is to explain all tke power out of 
the people, and to explain that all the power rests in the Legislators 
of the State — and ihp.t the Legislature of each State has the abso- 
lute control over the lives, liberties, and property i?f the people — 
and that the Legislature have a clear right to declare the extent of 
their obligation, and when once declared, the people have no 
course but obedience. And then says, that if the citizens should 
refuse obedience, so as to bring themselves under their only and 
lawful sovereigns, the Legislature would not fail to provide for her 
self-defence. Now the self-defence put up in behalf of all those 
v/ho claim the right of sovereignty over the people,\mder any Gov- 
ernment over the world, is, that if any one resists the authority 
estabhshed over them, the penalty is death. 

I v/ill nov/ call your attention to the language and expressions of 
the address to the people of South Carolina. After introducing a 
series of apologies to the people, they sslj, '• a deference, how ever j 
for the opinions of those of our fellov/ citizens, who have hitherto 
dissented from us, demands that vve should briefly state the princi- 
pal grounds upon which we place the right and expedience of Nul- 
lification." But before I go farther, let me state that whenever 
the word State is used in the address, the Legislature is intended.' 
ThisI Vv^ill showin the latter part of the address, from their ovrnlan-' 
guage, but as I know the prejudices of so many people have been so 
strongly secured in favor of this remed}", it requires me to be more par'-- 
ticular in order to show the deception imposed on them; and as it is 
not my object to pull dovaiany of m}^ fellow citizens, but to build up , 
all, and show vdiere they have been led asira}-, that it may be made 
an instrument in the hands of God, in restoring them, I vs'ill feel 



7S 

myself amply paid for all the labor I have or may bestow on this 
work: and in this matter, we never should ridicule each other, 
because we might have erred, for it is and has been the lot of 
ma,nkiiid to have erred under the best of designs and intentions, 
therefore we should consider the Parable used by our Saviour re- 
specting the man who had the hundred sheep, and one of them 
went astray, he left the ninety and nine and went after the one 
that was lost. And when he found it he rejoiced more over it 
than he did over the ninety and nine that did not go astray- So 
I say to all my fellow citizens, do all likewise one to another, when 
you have convinced him of his error. Now as I stated that when- 
ever the word State Vv^as iised, in this address, the Legislature was 
intended, and to remove all doubts on that subject, I Vvill show you 
their own words ; they will be found near the close of the address. 
The words are these : '• South Carolina having entered the Con- 
stitutional compact, as a seperate, independent, political community, 
as has already been stated, has the right to declare an unconstitu- 
tional act of Congress null and void. After her sovereign decla- 
ration that those acts shall not be forced within her limits, such an 
declaration is obligatory on her citizens, as far as her citizens are 
concerned. The clear right of the State is to declare the extent 
of the obligation ; this declaration once made, the citizen has no 
course but obedience." Then it goes on to say, " if he refuses 
obedience, so as to bring himself under the displeasure of his only 
and lawful sovereign, and Vv'ithin the severe pains and penalties, 
which by her high sovereign power, the Legislature Vvdll not fail to 
provide in her self-defence, the fault and folly must be his own." 

Now that part of the address plainly shows what they intend by 
the words South Carolina and the word State. They say first, 
that the State has a clear right to declare the extent of the obU- 
gation, and when once declared, the citizen has no course but to 
obey ; then say, that if the citizen brings himself under his only 
and lawful sovereign. Novv^ they style themselves the lawful sove- 
reigns of the people ; and say, if we bring ourselves under their 
displeasure they will not fail to inflict severe pains and penalties. 
This does not seem to look much like the plan of government I have 
claimed for the people, for under it they had declared the extent 
of their own obhgation and had not left it in the power of anv 

10 



n 

other to declare ; and mider it, had formed a well organized sys- 
tem of laws to set aside any attempt on the part of their agents, 
who might assume the right to declare it. But to show you how 
nicely they have attempted to overthrow the government of the 
people, and enthrone themselves in power, they have attempted to 
deprive us of the protection of that Court, and to blmd-fold the 
people that they can have some plea to resist their case in that 
Court, they pretend that this whole plan is to resist the unconstitu- 
tional act of Congress. But as I have commenced at the first 
part of the address, I will now go through with it, in hopes that I 
will leave no doubt on your mind, that vrhen the words South 
Carolina and the vrord State are used,' they 7riea7i the Legisla- 
ture. They say the Constitution of the United States is a com- 
pact between sovereign States — meaning between sovereign Leg- 
islatures — the powers of which Government were, to a certain extent 
to operate upon the people of those sovereign States aggregately, and 
not upon the State authorities — each State acting for itself and bind- 
ing its ovrn citizens — not the people binding themselves, but the 
Legislatures binding them — still carrying out an argument to 
show tiiat the people are entirely under the authority of the Leg- 
islature, '• binding its- own citizens," it says, '• and not those of any 
other State/" The -act of ratification declaims it to "be binding 
on the States so ratified, the Legislatures are its authors, their 
power crea,ted it, their voice clothed it with authority, the govern- 
ment it formed is in realit}' their government, and the union by 
which they are bound is a union of legislatures and not of indi- 
viduals." Now, in the latter part of this world have used the word 
Legislature in place of the word State, so that the peo|)Ie will not 
be mislead by what they mean by the word State, and perhaps I 
will throughout|the balance of my work, as you see they do not mean 
the people, nor their authority, because they say it is an union of 
States and not of individuals that binds the citizens. Well, we 
know the soil has not entered into a political obligation, so the 
Legislature must mean themselves, as other observations on this 
address Avill more fully show. '-The acts of ratification declares it 
to be binding on all the States so ratifying. The States are its 
authors — their power created it— their voice clothed it with au- 
thority — the governm.ent it formed, is, in reality their government, 



and the union of which is the bond, is a union of States and not 
of individuals. Secondly, it is a Confederacy, because the extent 
of the powers of government depends not upon the people of the 
United States collectively^ but upon the State Legislatures." Here 
they have used the word Legislatures themselves, which shows at 
once I am not mistaken, when I say, they use the word State when 
they mean the Legislature. It goes on a little farther and says, 
'^ The true-question is, who are the parties to the compact ? Who 
created, aiid who can alter and destroy it ? Is it the States or the 
People 7 This question has been already answered. The 
States as States ratified the compact. The people of the United 
States, collectively, had no agency in its formation. There did not 
exist then, nor has there existed at any one time such a political 
body as the people of the United States. There is not now, nor 
has there ever been, such a relation existing as that of a citizen 
of New Hampshire and a citizen of South Carolina bound to- 
gether m the same social compact." Now the whole of this address 
goes on to argue that this Government is not that of the people, 
but that it is a Government of Legislative authority, and that 
they have the absolute control over both the lives, liberties and 
property of the people. The word absolute signifies without any 
restriction or control, and says that the people have no course but 
to obe}^ This address then goes on to pretend to mark out the 
powers of the general government, until, they begin to express 
their own powers. Again and again, speaking of them, they say, 
^■the Legislature conferred, so the Legislature can take away its 
powers. All inherent sovereignty is, therefere, in the Legislature, 
it is the moral obligation alone which the Legislature have chosen 
to impose upon herself and not the want of sovereignty, which 
restrams her from exercising all those pov/ers, which, as we are 
accustomed to express ourselves, she has surrendered to the Feder- 
al Government." This argument is to show that the Legislatures 
are the sovereigns of Congress as well as the people. "The present 
organization of our Government, as far as regards the terms in 
which the powers of Congress are delegated, in no wise differs 
from the old confederation. The powers of the old Congress vrere 
delegated in stronger language than we find expressed in the new 
charter, and vet he would hazard a bold assertion, who would 



76 

say that the Legislature of the old Confederacy were not as sove- 
reign as Great Britain, France or Russia would be in an alliance 
OiFensivc and defensive. It was not the reservation in expressed 
terms of the sovereignty, freedom and independence of each Leg- 
islature winch made them sovereign, they would have been 
equally sovereign without such reservation, as is universally ad- 
mitted." Novv you see, under the policy of Nullification, they 
claim as much power over the people, as any King, Prince or Po- 
tentate ever did — the Pope not excepted. It goes on to say, "We 
have said thus much on the subject of sovereignty, because the 
only foundation upon wdiich we can safely erect the right of a 
State to protect its citizens." But I would like to know what right 
the citizen had left to be protected, if the Legislature had the 
absolute control over their lives, liberties and property. But we 
w^ill go farther, is that die Legislature, '-by the Declaration of 
Independence, became, and since continued, a Free, Sovereign 
and Independent Legislature, that as a sovereign legislatur she has all 
the inherent power to do all those acts which, by the la,w of Nations, 
any Prince or Potentate may of right do, that, like all independ- 
ent Legisiatu;e.-^, she neither has, ncr ought she to suffer any other re- 
straint upon her sovereign Vv'ill and pleasure, than those high moi'al 
obligations, under which all Princes and Legislatures are bound before 
God and man, to perform their solemn pledges." You will see I have 
nsed the Vv^ord Legislature^ in place of State, because it will con- 
vey the true meaning of the prhiciple contended for in this ad- 
dress, and make the meaning easier understood by the reader. 
From what I have shown, they have explained that vrhen 
they used the word State, they intended the Legislature, 
for they have explained in this address tliat there was no such 
Government as the pe opie of the United States, and that the ex- 
tent of their power did not depend on the people, but the State Leg- 
islatures. Novv", it seems, when they use the word State they can- 
not intend the jjsople ; well it cannot be the soil, that is the line 
and boundary of the State, for the soil has no power to act or speak. 
Then in all this harrangue, their intention is to explain the power 
cut of the peopl-, that they may have it in their own power to 
establish them.selves the sovereigns over the people, and destroy 
that Government of the people, which I have shown to you. It 



77 

goes on to saj, that, "the inevitable conclusioiij from what has 
been said, therefore, is that in ail cases of compact between inde- 
pende.it sovei-eigns, wiiere, from the very nature of things, there 
can be no common judge or innpire,. each sovereign has a right to 
judge as Vv'eli of mfractions, as of the mode and measure of redress. 
So in the present controversy between the Legislature and the F'ed- 
eral Government, it belongs solely to her by lier delegates in solemn 
convention assembled, to decide, whether the Federal Compact be 
violated, and what remedy they ought to persue. The Legisla- 
ture, therefore, cannot, and will not yield to any department of the 
Federal Government, and still less to the supreme court of the 
United States — a right Vvhich enters into the essence of all sove- 
reignty, and vvithout which it would become a bauble and a name. 
Now vrjien they declare, that they will not yield to any part of 
the Federal Government of the people, and much less to the su- 
preme Constitutional judges of the United States, the reasons as- 
signed is this, that it Vv^ould enter into the very essence of tlieir sover- 
eignity. Knowing well that all their proceedings were con- 
trary to the constituted authorities of the people— that tney were 
the lawful arbiters of the people— that they had the power to 
decide against their unauthorized proceedings, in attempting to 
estabhsh their ovv^n sovereignty over the people, and knowing that 
under their authority, they had power to set aside such assumed 
authority; and I suppose iliey \Ye\:e like the Irishman, who had 
committed some offence, and on being brought before the judge, 
began to i^oar and cry in a terrible manner, the judge by way of 
reconcihation, observed, '• my good fellov/, I hope you v/ill receive 
justice.'^ " Oh !" says Pat, ^^ that is just v)hat I ara afraid of .^^ 
They were afraid the judges would do them justice, by entering into 
their sovereignty and take it and all claim to it away, and estab- 
lish it in the people, where it belonged. So, you see, they were 
afraid to trust their case in that court, which the people had estab- 
lished to decide on all cases of law- and equity, arising mider this 
constitution. Now, you see, the p ' incipal argument of this address is 
not to show the people the lawful remedy against tsiem by theh" agents, 
but to show the people that they are the people's sovereigns ; and 
that the people have no course left but obedience, and I will show 
the people before I am done, that they had adopted a policy, and 



78 

.came nera* geitiiig' llie people under it. and if they had, they would 
have had the people in a situation that would have left them no 
coarse but obedience sure enough. Another part of this address 
says the judiciary or third article of the Constitution were arranged 
or agreed to, proves beyond a doubt, that the supreme court was 
never contemplated by either party in the convention, as an arbiter 
to decide conliicting claims of sovereignty between the Legislatures 
of the States and Congress. Now, this part of their assertion I am 
willing to admit true, for there was no use to make a provision for 
that which never existed; neither did Congress nor the State 
Legislatures have any sovereign power about which to arbitrate, 
for all the power that either of them possessed was derived from, 
and expressed by the people. And according to their own argu- 
ment, sovereignty is a luilt^ and as their power is derived from the 
people, and they by uniting under the constituted authorities, pro- 
viding one principle, by which they agree to support and defend 
each other to the extent and boundary of the United States, form 
one consolidated sovereign Government in themselves, being all 
and the only sovereigns in the United States. And the Legislative 
authorities being only the servants of the people, and acting under 
their expressed w^ili and authority^ — having no authority, only such 
as the people had expressly authorized — having no sovereign pow- 
er whatever, it was entirely unnecessary to make a provision for 
v/hat never did, nor never could exist under our form of Govern- 
ment. But they Vvdsh to reverse the plan of the people's Govern- 
ment and change the power from the people to themselves. And 
as you \yill see, the whole argument of this address goes on to ai'gue 
the power from the people, and establish a plan of Gonernment — 
making themselves sovereigns instead of the people, and at the same 
time wish to make the people believe that they have the sole pow- 
er to alter and destroy their Government, when they please, and 
fix over them whatever plan of Government they may think proper. 
This, you see, form the claim they come out with saying they have 
the absolute control over both their lives, liberties, and property. — 
Now, the third article of the Constitution, to which they have re- 
ference, is where the people of the United States have provided the 
judges, as their lawful arbiters, to settle all disputes that might 
arise under the Constitution. It is true,- there was nothing said 



79 

iheii, of those great Sovereign Legldalures ; for there \vas na 
such thing; nor never was before the set just now rising, and where 
they got their power from,- I do not i^now, but am sure they have 
not received it from the Constitution, as they were honest enough, 
to confess; but said it was a natural right, but^I think it a very 
unnatural right, and one I shall never give up to have established 
over my living, it ma}" be over my dead body for all I know. 

Speaking of the compact — as they cliose to call it, instead of the 
Constitution — -its authors could never have contemplated that the 
federal head should regulate the domestic industry of a v/idely ex- 
tended country — distinguished above all others for the diversity of 
its intereists, pursuits, and resources in its variaite sections, it was 
this acknowledged diversity that caused the Wrangment of the' 
conjoint and seperate exercises of sovereign authorit)^, the one to 
regulate the external concerns, the other to have absolute control 
over the lives, liberties, and property of the people." Now, you see, 
the import of their own language, when claiming for themselves 
the absolute control over the lives, Hberties, and property of. the 
people. The word ahsGlute^ signifies without any restraint, or 
control whatever. And*. I heard one of the leading men of» the 
Nullifying party, in a public speech at Abbeville C, H. say, "that 
agreeable to the power vested in the Legislature of this State by 
the Convention, that the Legislature had not only power to re- 
quire the oath of allegiance from ever}^ officer^ but from every citizen" 
but. said he, " we did not go to the extent of our power, vre only 
passed a law that every officer, who had the people under their 
authority, should take an oa„th. In addition to this, gentlemen, 
agreeble to the pov/er vested in the Ligislature by the Convention, 
they had power to pass a law that no man in South Carohna should 
possess one foot of land." Now, fellow citizens, you see, themselves 
have acknowledged what power the Convention conveyed to the 
Legislature of South Carolina. 

You see in the first place, he represents that they only passed 
laws that every officer, who had the people under their control 
and authority, should take the oath of allegiance to those sovereio-n 
Legislators. They represent the people to be under the control of 
the officers, instead of what I have shown, under the Constitution, 
that every officer from the Constable to the President are acting 



80 

under the authorit}- of the people. But in every part of this address 
they bring the people under the authority of the ofiicei's. and 
claim the absolute control over their lives, liberties and properties. 
This would, if estabhshed, as I will show they have attempted to 
The Constitution provides that every one shall be safe and secure 
in his person, papers and effects. Now if the Legislature had such 
power over the people, as I have been describing, could they be 
considered safe either in their persons, papers or effects. The Leg- 
islature would have power to put the people to death, for whatever 
fault they might please to say the penalty of death should be fixed, 
and they vrould have no alternative, but to suffer. 

But Ave will trgte the address a little father, as it is the great 
Goddess of hberty,.but it appears their liberty only extends to the 
Legislatui'e and not to the people, however, perhaps, I mistake a 
little here — they have one privilege left them, that is ohedience.- 
Though the address goes on with a great preamble about the 
abuses of Congress, and hovv^ they are trying to take the advan- 
tage of the people, yet if the people will just take this advice, and 
give them whatever power they ask, they will fix Congress and the 
Norlh l)oth for them ; and if they cannot.get them to do right they 
will dissolve the Union. TSov\^ this would be fixing the people hke 
the Pope did the King, because they must remove the Government 
of the people's authority before they can establish their own ; and 
so soon as they would disijolve the Union, the people would be 
without any government — every one, who would be in office under 
the oa.th of .allegiance, to support and defend the constituted au- 
thority of the people, would be out of office. So this great Legis- 
lature would have the appointing of ofiicers — swearing I hem to 
support and defend any act they might pass, to the full extent 
thereof. While the}^ are attempting to swindle the people out of 
power, they continue their harrangue against Congress and the 
North, then go on to say : "It is in vain to imagine that a people 
who have struggled for freedom, and known its inestimable value, 
such a state of affairs can be endured longer than there is a well 
founded hope, that reason and justice will resume their empire in 
the common counsels of the Confederacy. That hope having ex- 
pired with the last session of Congress, by the present Tariff Act, 
distinctly and fully recognising as the prominent policy of the 



8i 

fbunded hope, that reason and justice will resume their era pire in 
the common councils of the Confederacy. That hope having ex- 
pired with the last session of Congress, by the present Tariff Act, 
distinctly and fully recognising as the prominent policy of the 
country, the odious principle of protection, it occuj's to us that there 
is but one course for the Legislature to pursue. That course, fel- 
low citizens, is resistance — nQi physical^ but MORAL resistance 
— not resistance in an angry, irritated feeling, but resistance by 
such counter-legislation, which, whilst it shall evince to the world 
that our measures arc Doilt upon the necessity of tendering 
to Congress an amicable issue, to try a doubtful question between 
friends and neighbors, shall at the same time secure us in the en- 
joyment of our rights and privileges. It matters not, fellow citi- 
zens, by what name this counter-legislation shall be designated — • 
call it Nullification, State Interposition, State Yeto, or v/hatcver 
name you please, still if it be but resistance to an oppressive mea- 
sure, it is the course which dut}', patriotism, and self-preservation 
prescribes."' Now you see this plan would and did throw the Gov- 
ernment under the necessity of revolution ; for counter-legislation 
would be one agent endeavoring to control the actions of another, 
each having derived their povrer from the same source. Neither 
Congress nor the Legislatures of the Stales had any power butvvdia.t 
was expressly granted by the people in tiieir Constitution. There 
is no such language in the Constitution saying that one Legisla- 
ture shall counter-legislate the actions of the other — both those 
branches being elected by the people, and the people having fur- 
nished a seperate Constitution, as their power of attorney, under 
which to act — having no other power than that exprc^ly granted 
— each one was only accountable to the people and net to the 
other ; therefore, neither had the right to meddle with the other. 
The people having appointed lawful arbiters, to settle all disputes 
arising under • the constituted authority, they were the only ones 
who had a right to nullify the laws of their agents. So you see, 
in all their acts, this Legislature is attempting to assume and take 
the sovereign power from the people, and say, that which the peo- 
ple have established as a law^ful arbiter to set aside, b}^ law, any 
act they might attempt to pass, not authorised by the people, they 
will not suffer that court to decide against them, for it would enter 



Sh- 
into the very essence of their sovereignty, and Vv'ould destroy it 
entirely — that their sovereignty vrould become a mere bubble, a 
name ; ye^. and I say so too. as it always has been, and I hope 
ever will be. 

They go on to say : '- If vre are asked upon v^diat ground we 
place the right to resist any particular lavv of Congress, and yet 
regard ourselves as a constituent member of the Union, we answer 
• — the ground of compact. We do not choose, in a case of this 
kind, to recur to vrliat is called our natural rights, or the right of 
revolution. We claim to nullify by a more imposing title. AYe 
claim it as a coxsTiTUTio:-rAL riaht, not meaning, as some have 
imagined, that we derive the right from the Constitution, for deriv- 
ative lights can onh" belong to the funciiGnaries of the high con- 
tracting parties to the Constitution, but we claim, to exercise it as 
one of the parties to the compact, and as consistent with its 
letter, its genius, and its spirit, it being distinctly understood at the 
time of ratifying the Constitution, that the exercise of all sove- 
reign rights not agi'eed to he had conjointly, vrere to be exerted sep- 
erately by the States.'' But here they leave out one very important 
part of the Constitution, wdiich says, Amend. Art. 10, '• The powers 
not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohib- 
ited by it to the States, are I'eserved to the States, respectively, or to 
the people." As it were showing the true meaning of the w^ord 
State by saying the jyeople. There all povrers not delegated to 
Congress, nor prohibited to the States were reserved to the people. 
The rights prohibited to the States by the Constitution, were that 
they had no power to pass any law^ to prevent any citizen of the 
United St^es from having free ingress and egress to and from all 
other States, and they w^ere to be entitled to all the privileges 
and immunities of the citizens of the same State ; Also, 

'• Art. lY, Sec. 2, Par. 3. No person held to service or labor in 
one State under the lavv s thereof, escaping into another, shall in 
consequence of anv law or reo^ulation therein, be discharged from 
such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
party to Vvdiom such service or labor ma}' be due.'' 

Also, if a person commits an offence in an}^ State, and escapes to 
another State, they are bound to deliver up such person ; and full 
faith and credit shall be given to the proceedings of one State by 



83 

the other 'States. So the purposes for which the States are prohib- 
ited ill those, are all for the better securing the sovereign rights to 
the people, both in their liberties and properties. Those and such 
other similar laws are what the States, or the people of the States, 
agree upon when they enter the Union. And then sliould any dis- 
pute aiise concerning tjie rights agreed to by tlie people, those con- 
stitutiona.1 judges were appointed the lawful arbiters to settle all 
disputes arising under the Constitution. Those judges are the 
persons, whom this sovereign Legislature fear to let decide on their 
sovereignty, for they say that would enter into the very essence of 
sovereignt}^ And so it v/ould, for it would soon set it aside, and 
show them they had none — that they were the servants of the peo- 
ple, that they Were serving under the authority of the people, and 
not under their own authority — and that when they had acted as 
far as that writen authority authorised, their powxr ceased, and 
vv'ould soon.show them, that instead of being sovereigns, they were 
the servants of the people, and there their sovereignty would end. 
They are right, you see, when they say this court would enter in- 
to the very essence of their sovereignity. It is not a wonder that 
they were afraid to have their sovereignty tried m that court. 

Now the whole sum and substance of the argument of that ad- 
dress, is to show that the Legislatures of each State are^ie sove- 
reigns, and not the people. They say, who created ancl^vlio can 
alter, or destroy this Government ? is it the Legislature, or is it the 
people.^ This question they say has been a^lready answered. — 
The States as States ratified the compact — the people collectively 
had no agency in the formation of the general Government. They 
say father, that there is not how, nor never has been such a politi- 
cal body as the people of the United States, and that there never 
w^as, nor never has been such a relation existing as a citizen of 
New^ Hampshire and a citizen of South Carolina bound in the 
same social compact. ■ The relation is through the States, or as 
they intend when the w^ord State is used, the Legislatures of each 
State, for whenever the}" use tiie word State, throughout the entire 
address, they make the people one party, and the State a different 
party. And as claiming for themselves the sovereign right over 
the people — claiming it as one of the Legislatures, they were one 
of the high contracting parties and not the people, and the Legis- 



84 

latures of all the States had conjointly appointed Con^'ess to cany 
out the sovereignty of the Legislatures of the States, and not the 
people, for they had no sovereign power. Therefore, as Congress 
was acting under theauthority of the Legislatures, and not that of 
the people's — and was under their authorit}^ and had derived all 
power from the Legislatures of the States conjointly — the Legis- 
latures of each State had the right to decide in all cases whatever, 
for hke the Pope, there could no court he formed sufficiently im- 
partial to decide on their sovereignty, and that they had all the ■ 
inherent power to do all those acts, by la,w, any Prince or Potentate 
may of right do, that like all independent Legisla.tures, she neither 
has nor should she suffer any other restraint upon her sovereign 
will and pleasure, under which all Princes are bound. 

From this you will see, that no Prince, Potentate or King, the 
Pope not excepted; has ever claimed more power over any people, 
in any country or place, than the Legislature of South Carolina, 
through this Ordinance, explained in the Address accompan3nng 
it; and done under the povv'er of this great goddess Nullification, 
called the State Right of South Carolina. 

And it is Nullifying in earnest, 'for if carried into effect it would 
have nullified every liberty and privilege the citizens enjoy, and 
e3tablisk|,il the power of a King, Prince or Potentate, in the Le- 
gislature? 

It really appears to me, from the very words of the address, that 
the original framers of it, did know,, that the principles contended 
for were contrary to the cojistituted authority of the people. You 
will see in one part of the address, that they acknowledge that, as, 
some might suppose, speaJiing of their right to nullify, we claim; 
it as a constitutional right, not meaning, as some have imagined, 
that\ve derive ^the right from the Constitution. Now, this is the 
same as acknowledging the Constitution gave them no such right. 
Then a diffirent part of the address saya : " Nothing can more 
reconcile Nulhfication to our citizens, than to know, that if we 
are not proceeding according to the iorm.s of the Constitution, we 
are nevertheless adhering to its spirit." Here seems to be a fair 
acknowledgement that they Vv^ere not proceeding according to the 
forms of the Constitution ; so any deviation from it could not be 
adhering to it in letter or in spirit, for the spirit and letter of th^ 



85 

Constitution dirouglioiit is to secure the right of sovereig-nty ta 
the people. But the spirit and letter of the address is to take 
away the sovereign power secured to the people by the constituted 
authority, and to place all the sovereign power of government in 
the Legislature, v»'hich would be a complete perversion of the 
Constitution, and would not be acting according to one sinsie let- 
ter or principle contained therein. 

But lest the great prejudices of the people should think I mi^^ht 
be mistaken about the construction I have given of tJiis address 
I will go on some farther for proof of my argument. The address 
says, projects of usurpation cannot be masked under pretences so 
likely to escape the penetration of select bodies of men, as of the 

people at large — the legislatures. This is their own ianp-ua'^e 

they mention the Legislature themselves. The address sa"s '-'the 
Legislators will have better means of information — they can dis- 
cover the danger at a distance, and possessing all the orp^ans of 
civil power, and the confidence of the people, they can at once 
adopt a regular plan of operation, in which they can combine all 
the resources of the communit}^" 

Now, you :=ee, they claim for the Legislature all the organs of 
civil power, wliich is the same as saying they haf e any power 
they may think proper to use, for the purpose of combinino^ all the 
resources of the people. This would place all their property and 
physical power under the control of the Legislature. They o-o on 
f irther to say : -' But if the spirit of justice departs f]-om the coun- 
cils, to which we have a right to look up as the guardians of • 
pubhc hberty, the public peace, no provisions of human Vvisdom 
can avail. We have heard much of the danger of sufTerino- one 

State to impede the operations of twenty-three States " meanino- 

the Legislatures of tv/enty-three States—" but it must be obvious 
to every considerate man, that the danger can only exist where a 
State is wrong.'' Now this is the same as acknowledginp- there 
is danger, when a State is wrong, but they say they will be their 
own judge, if one State has the right to judge for herself, all the 
others would have the same right. Suppose twenty-three should 
decide against one State, what would be there to enforce their de- 
cision, as ther 3 would be tvrenty-three against one. What use is 
a system of laws without pliysical power to enforce their decisions. 



86 

and vroiild be in a situation to have tlieit decision set at naught, 
disregarded, and could give no redress to tliose who had complain- 
ed. Hence, no one State alone could, according to that plan, be 
on an equal footing with all the others, and it v/ould, at all times 
be necessary/ to have, at least eqiia,} force on each side of the ques- 
tion, to place them on an eciualit}^ to resist by force, for as they 
sa}^, there had been no lawiul arbiter appointed to settle disputes 
that might arise respecting the sovereignty of those Legislative 
authorities, therefore, if there he no law to settle such disputes, they 
would have to resort to the sword, and in such a case, one State 
v/ould stand very httle chance against twentyrthree. If this was 
the pohcy of the United States Government, and the only remedy 
one State had against the^^usurpation of the other States united, I 
v>nould not wish to live under any such a Union. But suppose the 
policy of our Government vras this, amongst the people, whom I 
call the true sovereigns of the United States, instead of the Legis- 
latures. I sajf, suppose the people agree, that when a dispute 
takes place between themselves, or their agents, they vrlll form a 
court of lawful arbiters, and that we will call it the supreme Court 
of the United ^^tates — that we wdll swear them to support the con- 
stituted authorities, both of the States, and of the United States, 
and that they will decide according to tlie constitutionahty of the 
case — that their judicial power shall extend to all cases of dispute 
arising unider the Constitution — that they shall have power to de- 
cide between two or more States, or in any case to VN'hich the Uni- 
ted States should be a party. And if the Legislators either of Con- 
gress or the Legislators of the Sta,tes would pass lavx's, not autho- 
rised by the Constitution, then any citizen could refuse obedience 
to that lav.', and as the Constitution provides, that no free man 
shall be taken, nor imprisonod, nor outlawed, nor in any manner 
destroyed of his liberties or privileges, but by the judgment of his 
peers, and that all trials, except impea-chment, shall be by jury, so 
a portion of tlie sovereign citizens shall form part of the court, as 
well as the judges. So under such a policy of Government where 
one citizen can refuse to obey the law, and have it set aside, at 
once, without any application to the Legislators, and as the 
President is sworn to see the laws of the Union faithfully executed, 
he is. bound to enforce the decisions of the judges. The physical 



87 

pavv-er of the people is, also, bound to support and defend each 
other, according to the agreements contained in the Constitution, 
therefore, they have bound themselves to each other to assist ia 
enforcing the decisions of the jvidgcs, ibr it is our own agreement, 
that the Judges of the Supreme Court should i:e the kiviul arbiters. 
So I cannot see where vre hctve any need toestablisli this great and 
mighty sovereign Legislature over us, to counter-legislate for us, 
for Vvdien they would ccunter-legislate, they bave no povrer to 
enforce their acts ; and I cannot see vrhere iliQ people would be a 
particle better after their counter-legislation, than before ; for hav- 
ing no physical power to enforce the decisions, they would be just 
where they started. But this terrible Legislature says the citizens 
owe their allegiance and obedience, on account of the protection 
vre receive from them, and promises the people that they will pro- 
tect them in, at least, one very important privilege — that is obe- 
dience. This will be a vast quantity of liberty, that this sove- 
reign Legislature is promising the people, v. ho had ]3etter jump at 
the bargain immediately, before they get out of the notion of giving 
such an important privilege, and for fear tliey take it too. 

I think this beats any pohcy of government! ever heard of being 
offered to a free people. I recollect somethinsf of a man, whom 
they called Pope, vrho, years ago, swindled the King out of all 
his power. It is said he gave the people under his control tlic sam.e 
important privilege — that of obedience, and if they would not 
accept of so kind an offer, he vvould put them all to death. But 
let us go on a little farther, and see what more good things this 
kind Legislature is going to do for the citizens they seem to think 
so m.uch of — South Ca,rolina in particular. Yet they say the dif- 
ficulty has been great, to bring the people up to the resisting point.: 
In this matter I think they have been coi'rect, and now, when they 
read this work through, 1 think the difficulty will be greater than 
before, for I design shovring the people, that they wish them to 
resist their owni authority, established by themselves, so that they 
(the Legislature) can establish their authority over the people, leav- 
ing them with the glorious privilege of obedience. 

There is many points of argument in this address that woulcl 
be worthy of notice, the whole strain is to show that our Govern- 
ment is one of Legislatures and not of the people. And at the 



83 

same time, in ertplanatioiij this address g333 on to agree, that the 
Legislatures being the sovereigns who created Congress to carry 
out their conjoint sovereign power over the people, their argu- 
ment goes to sa}^, the plan of the United States Government, is 
simph". that the Legislatm-es of each State are the sovereigns of the 
people, and that they have the absolute control over their lives, 
liberty and property — that the Legislatures of all the States enter- 
ed into a compact conjointly, that they might carry out their conjoint 
sovereign power over all the people of the United States. Those 
sovereign Legislatures created Congress, aaid gave her tlie Consti- 
tution as her power of attorney to act under their authority— not 
mider that of the people, for they say, there is not, nor never has 
been such a political body as the people of the United States. They 
say the extent of the Government of the United States does not 
depend on the people agggregatel}^ but upon the State Legislatures. 
Also, they say, the people had no agency in forming the general 
Government — that there is not, nor never has been such a relation 
as a citizen of New Hampdiire and a citizen of South Carolina 
bound in tlie same social compact. So you see, the whole plan is 
to explain the power from the people, and secure it to themselves. 
According to their plan of Government, a citizen cculd have no 
right in himself to resist a la vr passed, either by Congress, or the 
Legislature of the State. According to their plan, no law of Con- 
gress could be resisted by a citizen— it would have to be effected t)y 
the legislatures, and the people could not force them to resist 
that lavv^ unless they chose so to do. As to the iav»'s, passed by 
the Legislature of the State, the people had no course but to obey. 
Now, this is the reinedy offered the people, under this great and 
'mighty Goddess Nuiiificaticn, called the State Right of South Caro- 
lina. 

But to shov." more fully, that I have not been deceived in the pol- 
ic}^ of Government under which they designed to bring the people, 
we vvdll notice the last Section of the Address, — it begins thus : 
^'FelloYv'' Citizens, the die is now cast. ¥7e have solemnly resolved 
on the ccurso which it becomes our beloved State to pursue — we_ 
have rseolved that until tliese a,buses shall be reformed, no more 
TAXES SHALL BE PAID HERE. Millions for defence, but not one 
cent for tribute. And now we call upon our citizens, native and 



83 

adopted, to prepare for the crisis, and to meet it as becomevS men 
aad freemen. AYe call upon all classes and parties, to forget their 
former difTcrences, and miite in a solemn deteimination never to 
abandon tliis contest until such a change be eiiccted in the councils 
of the nation, that all the citizens of this confederacy shall partici- 
pate equally in the benefiis and burthens of the Government." 

Now, if they were organized under their plan of Government, 
where they j^^t had the privilege of obedience, they v/ould be pretty 
well equalised — there Vv-oull not be much trouble in dividing the 
profits, as the Legislature was to have control over both their lives, 
liberty, and property, the p3opIe would be on a very equal footing. 
I do not know any plan that would bring them on an equality 
sooner than this, for they would have nothing left to watch over 
but obedience. Isnot this a glorious Government offered to the 
people of South Carolina ? Yes, worth fighting for, and throw- 
iug away this insignificant Government of the. people, placing 
them in a situation that they have to take care both of themselves, 
their liberties a.nd properties. Then they go on with a great deal 
of flattery, and say : " To this solemn duty v/e now invoke you, 
in the name of all that is sacred and valuable to man, we invoke 
you in the name of that liberty which has been acquired by 
you from an illustrious ancestry, and vv^hicli it is your duty to 
transmit, unimpaired, to the most distanit generations. We invoke 
yoH in the nam.e of that constitution which yoii profess to 
venerate, and of that union which you are all desirous to per- 
petuate. By the reverence you bear to these your institutions^ — by 
all the love you bear to liberty — by the detestation you have for 
servitude — by all the abiding memorials of your past glories — by 
the proud association of your exalted and common triumpjis in 
the first and greatest of our revolutions — by the force of all those 
sublime truths wliicli that event has inculcated amongst the na- 
tions — by the noble llame of republican enthusiasm which Vv^arms 
your bosoms — we conjure you in this mighty struggle to give youy 
hearts and souls and minds to your injured and oppressed Legisla- 
ture, and to support her cause publicly and privately, with your 
opinions, your prayers, and your actions. " Tiie above is all a 
farce and flattery. But they begin to speak out their true cliarac- 
ter when they say : " If such appeals as these prove unavaihuiT, 

12 



90 . 

we then co:*imand youh obedience to the laws and authoritie& 
of the Legislature, by a title which none can gaiiisa}^ Vv^e de- 
mand it by that allegiance, which is reciprocal with tlie protection 
you have received from the Legislature. Yv'e admit of no obe- 
dience to any authority, which will conflict with that primary 
allegiance, Vv-hicli every citizen owes the Legislature of his birth 
or his adoption. There is not, nor has there ever been, any direct 
or immediate allegiance between the citizens of S^th Carolina 
and the Federal Government. The relation between them is 
through the Legislature. The Legislature having entered into 
the constitutiona.1 compact, as a seperate, independent, political 
community, as has already been stated, has a right to declare an 
iniconstitutional act of Congress null and void — after her sove- 
reign declaration that the act shall not be enforced within her 
limits, such a declaration is obligatorjr on her citizens, as far as 
its citizens are concerned, the clear right of the Legislature is \o 
declare tl\Q extent of the obhgation — tliis declaration once made' 
the citizen has no course but TO OBEY. If he refuses obedience 
so as to luring himself under the displeasure of his only and law-- 
fal sovereign, and vvitliin the severe pains and penalties, v\^hich by 
her sovereign power the Legislature will not fail to provide in her 
self-defence, the fault and folly must be his own.'' 

Kow, fellov/ citizens, you will see from their own language, 
whether I have misconstrued the true meaning of the word State,- 
and the words South Carolina, where the authors of this address- 
have used them. We have, here, their own language to prove it, 
for it is evident, vdien they used the words State or South Carolina, 
that they did not mean the authority of the people, for throughout 
the entire address they use the word State as one party and the 
people the other^making them distinct parlies ; and in all cases 
representing this State as having the absolute control over their 
lives, liberty and property, and they themselves under no other 
restriction than any Prince or Potentate. And for fear the reader 
should overlook observations made in the latter part of the ad- 
dress, they say : " The clear right of the State is to declare the 
extent of the obligation — this declaration once made, the citizen 
has no course but to obeyT Then threatens him, if he refuses 
obedience, so as to bring himself under the displeasure of his only 



91 

and ia,wfLil sovereign. Now, you see, they represent the citizen 
as having an only and lawful sovereign, but notice vrho they say 
that sovereign is — the Legisla^ture — in their high and sovereign ca- 
pacity, who the}^ sa}^ will not fail to provide in her self-defence, 
with severe pains and penalties, vrhich shall be inflicted on the 
people. 

Now, the self-defence put up by all who claim the right of sove- 
reignty over the people, is to pass a law, that should any one speak 
against any act they might pass, or resist it in any manner, the 
penalty should be deatli. And this is what the people are threat- 
ened with here, by this mighty Legislature called the State Right 
NuUiiiers. Now this proves fully that the Legislature is to be con- 
sidered the sovereigns of the people, under the State Right policy 
of South Carolina, for in one place they claim the absolute control 
over the lives and liberties of the people, in another, they claim the 
clear right to declare the extent and obligation of the citizen, and 
that they had no course, but to obey ; and threatened them, if they 
brought themselves under the displeasure of their only and lawful 
sovereigns — the Legislature. Now, they use the word Legislature 
here themselves, and say the Legislature in their high and sove- 
reign pov/er, will not fail to provide in their self-defence. Now, I 
think, this proves beyond a doubt, that when the word State, or 
South Carolina has been employed in the Address accompanying 
the Ordinance, that in every case, it has had reference to the autho- 
rity of the Legislature^; for they say, there is not now, nor never 
has been such a political body as the people of the United States — 
that the extent of the powers of Government do not depend on the 
people aggregately, but upon the State Legislature; this is their 
own language, from which it is evident, they want to explain the 
power from the people, and adopt a form of Government, that will 
vest it in themselves. They also say, there is not, nor never has 
been such a relation as a citizen of New Hampshire, and a citizen 
of South Carolina, bound in the same social compact — the relation 
is through the State, every State binding its ovrn citizens. Mean- 
ing that the Legislatures of eacli State bound the citizens, not they 
binding themselves. They say, the people of the United States 
had no agency in the formation of the general Government. They 
say, who created, and who can altef or destroy the Government, 



92 

is it the States, or is it the people? They say, the States ratified 
the Government, the people having no agency in its formation. — 
They say, it is the Government of the States, and not of the people^ 
for their voice had clotiied it with authority and not the voice of the 
people. Now, if all this is not explaining away all the power out 
of the people, and explaining all the power in themselves, I should 
like to know how to fix words that would. But let us look back to 
the constituted authority of the peo]:'le, and see v,- hat it says, whether 
there is a political body of the people described in it. Yes, fel- 
lovv" citizens, to me there really appears to be something like*a body 
politic of the people, reta,incd in their "plan of Government ; and 
in it I see no place where this Legislature has founded their great 
sovereignty. I am very sure they have not found it in the Con- 
stitution, but I had nearly forgot, they did candidly confess they 
did not claim their authority h'om it, but from the right of inheri- 
tance. As they do not claim their right from the Constitution, I 
think it may be proven from it, that they have no right by which 
they can nuUif}^, but must yield obedience themselves, and that to 
the people, not the people to them. 

At the very commencement of the Gcnstitution it says : " We, 
the peopZe of the United States, in order to form a more perfect 
union, establish justice, ens,ure domestic tranquility, provide for the 
comm.on defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the bless- 
ings of hberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and estab- 
lish this Constitution for the United States of America." Nov/, 
this looks, from the v.^ords used here, very much like the people 
had some agency in the formation of the General Government ; 
and in which I see no mention made of this tremendous Sove- 
reign Legislature, v/hich proposes to give the people of South Car- 
olina such extensive privileges — the entire privilege of obedience. 
The thing is almost too ridiculous, to be at the trouble of going 
over the Constitution to prove its absurdity, for their principle, 
expounded throughout the address, is a complete perversion of the 
' constituted authority of the people, and contains a plan and policy 
that would destroy every liberty and privilege enjoyed by the peo- 
ple, and would bring them under a policy equally as tvrannical as; 
that of the Pope. 



Now I will show that the people have limited the aulhority of 
the Legislature. They say lliey are not bound iiiider a,ny obhga- 
tioii save theh own will, aay more tiiaii any Prince or Poteutate ; 

''Art. I, Sec. 2. No person shall be a Representative who shall 
not have attained to the age of twe;aty-Mve years, and been seven 
years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elect- 
ed, be an inhabitant of the State in vdiicli he shall be chosen." 
Now, you see the people of ail the States have formed the plan, and 
determined what shall be the age of the person, v/ho may be enti- 
tled to a seat in Cc-ngress, and likewise, he must be a citizen of the 
State in wdiich he is chosen. From this, it appears, that the Leg - 
islators, appointed under the authority cf the people, have not so 
nmch power as those appointed under the Ordinance of South 
Carolina. Under the authority of the people, they can remain in 
office only a certain time imless re-elected, and very often they 
offer as candidates for re-election. So if they held it by inherent 
right, and was under no other obhgation than their own will, they 
would hardly ask the people to re-elect them, but perhaps they 
act thus for fashion-sake, as v*^e now live in a very fashionable age. 

Let us go on farther, and see if we can find any place in the 
constituted a^uthority of the people, where this Legislature received 
so much power, I think the people's Constitution reads thus : 

" Art. YI, Sec. 3, The Senators and Representatives before men- 
tioned, and the memibers of the several State Legislatures, and all 
executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the 
several States, shall be bound hj an oath or affirmation, to support 
this Constitution." 

Now under the authority of the people of the United States, 1 
can find no place, where the Legislature was left as free to act as 
any Prince or Potentate, nothing binding them only their own will. 

I will now enderavor, to show the people v/here they did get 
their authority ; but, perhaps, I had best show a little more in 
the constituted authority of the people. "The powers not dele- 
gated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by 

it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or the people" 

using the word j^eople as ejiplaining what it intended by the word 
State. It appears, that in the first part of the Constitution, that 
the Legislature and people of a State must have been prohibited 



94 

fiom pa,3smg some laws, wliick must, in the general agreement of 
the Union, have answered some general purpose of protection to 
all parties, for their peace, safety and happiness, and for the mutu- 
al benefit of all the States, or in other words the people of those 
States, I am drawing my remaj-ks from what I call a political 
people of the United States, and not the policy of those sovereign 
Legislatures. It is Vvdiat the people of the United States adopted, 
and prohibited any State from making any law which would 
obstruct the free ingress and egress of the citizens of any one 
State to and from all otber States, a.nd the enjoyment of ail the 
privileges of citizens of the same State. All States were prohibit- 
ed making any laws tliat would infringe those privileges. . Again, 
if a servant, or a person bound to service, under the laws of one 
State, should escape to another State, they Vv^ere bound to deliver 
up such servant or person bound to service ; and if ally person 
committed an offence in one State and escaped to another State, 
they were bound to deliver up such offender. The Constitntion 
says "the liberties of the press and freedom of speech slipJl be 
inviolably preserved to the people." The people have the right to 
keep and bear arms for their common defence ; and in time of 
peace armies are dangerous to liberty, and should not be main- 
tained without the consent of the Legislature. It is expressly 
said " the militar3^ shall be subordinate to the civil power," and be 
governed by it. Now this is one thing I wish the people to con- 
sider particular!}', that under the express authority of the people, 
in their Constitution they have declared, that the military shall be 
in exact subordination to the ci^il power, and be governed by it, 
but this Sovereign Legislature, calling themselves South Carolina 
State Fights and Nulliiiers, reverse, for they sa.y there shall be no 
appeal from the decision of 'a court martial ; Avhich would estab- 
lish the military over the civil povvxr, for Vvdien there is no appeal 
from a court, that establishes it over all other courts, and under it 
would establish a military monarchical despotism. 

Thus, you see, this Legislative claim is trying to pervert the 
rights and liberties of the people, those liberties which they have 
secured to themselves under their constituted authority. 

But as I am going on to show that the Legislatures of those 
States have no such power in the Constitution, as they claim, but 



95 

on tlic contrary are projlbileJ from such power as llicy claim, by 
the coListituted autharity, at the same time, they say to the peo- 
ple, that it is not their iatention ta destroy the GcnstitiitLon, but to 
preserve it mider tlie Union. But as I thinlv I vriH be able to show 
that it is their sole ol^iect to destroy the constituted authority of 
the people's government, and by that means turn out every one in 
office under the authority of the people, so that they can place offi- 
cers under their own authority, they would have to dissolve the 
Union before they v.^ould be able to turn the ofih-ers of tlie people's 
government out of olSce, that they could histitute tiieir system over 
the people, where thej.^ claim the absolute control over both their 
lives, Eoerties and property, without any restraint on their wiil,- 
more than any Prince or Potentate, the Pone not excepted. Now, 
you see, if they could get the Union destroyed under any pretence 
whatever, all the officers under the authority of the people would 
be out of office, and the people wo ultl have no Government, because 
their Government v/as formed by the Union. Then they would 
have nothing more to do than, place officers under their authority 
and ST\"ear them to support and defend any act they might think 
proper to pass, and form a policy of Governm.ent like the Pope — ■ 
that no court should be permitted to ca.ll them to an account for 
any act whatever. But I think I hear my reader say within him- 
self, surely the people Vvdll never suffer themselves to be swindled 
out of their power in that wa}^, while possessing so much means of 
light and knowledge, as t'uat novi^ possessed b^v^ the people of Ame- 
rica. I would agree vvdth mj reader, if the people but knew it, 
but let me tell my readers, that the \vork is almost completedj 
they have one more blow to make, and then the thing is done. 

One of the deepest schemes is now laid to strip the people of 
America f>f their liberty, and bring them into desolation and de- 
struction, that has ever been attempted since the Pope came into 
power. This, I will attempt to shovr the people beyond doubt or 
contradiction, I might cite thousands of instances, and indeed every 
thing in the Constitution shows that the powers of Government are" 
vested in the people ; but, I think it linuecessary to say any thing" 
more on that subject, however, I will make oiXc or two farther' 
observations on the Constitution of South Carolina. Novr, to show 
that it never has been disputed ]>y any politicians, that the Govern- 



96 

uient of iho United Statco was Ibnned by the autiiorit^ of tlie peo- 
ple, nor was it disputed by any one, tliat the extent of the power 
of the Government did not depend upon the people, until disputed 
by the State Rigiit party of South Carolina, the Constitution of 
South Carolina commences thus: 

" Yv^e the delegates of the people of the State of South Carolina." 

It says, we the delegates of the -peoj^le, not wq the delegates of 
ihe Legislatdre. Nov,?-, it appears at the forming of the Constitu- 
tion of South Carolina, that they considered themselves the agents 
of the people, so at that time, it certainly seems that the people 
had some agency in the formation of this Republican Government. 
But I do not believe they had much agency in forming this Legis- 
lative authorit}^, that would place their lives, liberty, and property, 
under the absolute control of the Legislatures, or if they had, I 
think they were like the two Irishmen, of whom I once heard : — 
Vfhile in conversation one remarked that he thought every marriage 
contract Vv^as made in Heaven before effected by the parties them- 
selves. " Do you really think so?" . said the other. " Yes, I am 
very certain of it," was the the reply. "Weil Jack," said the 
other, " I think I must have very few friends there, for they have 
given me a dreadful scolding one." 

So I think the people must not ha.ve had many friends in form- 
ing such a Governm.ent as this Legislature has established over 
them. But this I say as a joke, some who had a hand in this mat- 
ter, were as good men, as our country affords, and designed noth- 
ing but good, but like many other good m^en, were deceived, and 
did not understand what they were doing ; and believed they were 
acthig against their enemies at the North, and in favor of their friends 
at the South. So I hope they will pardon m.e for my little joke. 

The Constitution of South Carolina, also, says : " all power is 
vested in the people, and a,ll free Governments are founded on their 
authority, and are instituted for their peace, safety, and happiness, 
and that no free man of this State shall be taken, or im.prisoned, or 
disseized of his freehold, liberties, or piivileges, or otitlaWed, or ex- 
iled, or in any manner destroyed, or deprived of his hfe, Hberty, ol* 
property, but by the judgment of his peers," observe not by his Leg- 
islators, but by the judgment of his peers — the persons appointed 
as their lawful arbiters, to settle all disputes between themselves 



97 

llnd agents, ^«o\v, it seems as reasonable tiiat lawful arbiters 
should be appointed to settle disputes between the people and their 
agents as to settle disputes between themselves. I cannot see 
why they should not, for there is but two ways to settle disputes, the 
one by law, the other by revolution. Now if the people had no 
means by which to resist an unauthorised act, passed by their 
agents, but by revolution, they would have been very deficient in 
that part of their Government, and if they had no other remedy 
but by Counter-Legislation, they w^ould be equally as deficient in 
protecting themselves against any usurpation attempted on the 
part of their agents. Suppose Counter-Legislation the only remedy 
against any la,w the Legislature might pass, and that we w^ould 
establish that, as the only plan, by which the people could resist 
any law^ they might think proper to pass. Suppose again, the 
Legislators v>^ere to remain in office only tw^o years under the Con- 
stitution, durmg that period of time, they should pass a law that 
they would remain in office during life, and at their death, their 
soiis should be their successors. Now, how w^ould the people ha\e 
any opportunity to have that law counter-legivslated. Thus, you 
see, this system and pohcy of government w^ould ahvays place the 
people at the mercy of the Legislature^ and v/ould place their 
authority above that of the people. And, suppose again^ that 
counter-legislation was the only remedy against a tyrannical act — - 
that the thing was so fixed, that every one of them should go out 
of office every tv/o years and not be permitted to hold that office 
again without being re-elected ; and suppose at the first session, 
they were to pass a law, that all the property of the people should 
be taken from them, and be equally divided amongst the people, 
the law would then have to go immediately into effect. And sup- 
pose, that at the end of two years, the people Avould be able to 
elect members to coimtcr-legislate — that the property should be 
delivered again to its proper owneivs, where w^ould their property 
be? Suppose a man in possession of a large amount of money, 
it taken from him and equally di.vided, wdiat would become of it 
at the end of two years, his negroes, horses, hogs, cattle, and all 
such property would be scattered and destroyed in such a manner 
that it would ])e impossible for the Legislature to restore to every 
man his ow^n property. And if such a srovernmcnt was cst:^blished 

13 



9S •> 

it would destroy all stimulus to industry, and would throw the peo- 
ple in all the horrors of the dark ages. And suppose again this 
Legislature should think the population of the country too great 
for the benefit of the cominunit}^ and they would pass a law that, 
in two or three months after their session, one half of the inhabi- 
tants should be either hanged or shot ; or suppose one half of the 
people were displeased at some law they had passed, and should 
vspeak against it, and the Legislators should enact that, that half 
should be put to death immediately, and if they had no remedy 
but counter-legislation, of Avhat avail would it be after they were 
hanged, or shot, or burned at the will of the Legislature. 

Now, this is the policy laid down by this great sovereign Legis- 
lature of South Carolina, for the people to come under. The 
people's plan is for any citizen to have a right, when the Legisla- 
ture passes a law not expressly granted under the Constitution, 
that they have the right to refuse obedience to that law ; and the 
Constitution declares that the citizen shall not be outlawed, or 
deprived of his liberties and privileges, but by the judgment of his 
peers. 

So. according to this plan of government, the people can re- 
fuse to obey any laws they conceive to be not according to what 
they have authorised to be passed by their expressed will — the 
Constitution. And the judges being bound by their oath to de- 
cide according to the constitutionality of the case, the jury being 
also bound by a like oath, the citizen can, through this court, pro- 
tect himself and prevent any law not authorised in the Constitu- 
tion from having any effect on his person, property or liberties, with- 
out depending on counter-legislation, and in that way render null 
any law not authorised by them. But the Vviiole policy of the Or- 
dinance and Address was to explain all right of self-protection from 
the citizen, and place him in a situation that he could have no 
protection, except what they should think proper to grant, thus 
placing the people in a situation that they would have the absolute 
control over both their lives, liberties and property, and that we 
could have no protection but counter-legislation — that there should 
be no com't to call them to account for any law passed or act done, 
for they sav in the address that no court could be found sufficiently 



99 

impartial to decide on their sovereignty. Now, this is the same 
plea advanced by the Pope to the Kiiig, when he swindled him 
out of his power. 

I will now attempt to show the people, that the politicians who 
produced this Ordinance and the Addi-ess, are, through that 
policy, attempting to swindle the people out of their povv^er, and 
enthrone themselves in what belongs to the peopte. This system 
is nearer the plan and policy of the Pope, than any other two 
policies ever introduced in the world, and would place the people 
in the power of the Legislature as securely as they ever were un- 
der the authority of the Pope when at the summit of his power. 
They admit they do not get their pov/er from the Constitution, nor 
did they ; but they claim the right over the lives, liberties and pro- 
perty of the people — the right to declare the extent of their obli- 
gation, and when once declared, the people have no course but 
obedience. And if they refuse obedience so as to bring themselves 
under the displeasure of their only and lawful sovereign, and with- 
in the severe pifens and penalties, which in their high and sovereign 
power the Legislature will not fail to provide in her self-defence, 
the fault and folly will be his own. 

Now let me tell you the self-defence put up in behalf of all, 
who claim the right of sovereignty over the people, is this : if you 
speak against them or resist the law^s established by them, they 
make the penalty death. This is v/hat they are threatening the 
people vv^ith, v/hen they say they will not in their high sovereign 
power fail to provide in their self-defence, if the people bring them- 
selves under their displeasure, also, they say there shall be no court 
to call them to account for any act they may do, and that they are 
under no obligation more than any Prince or Potentate other than 
their ov/n will ; and there is not now nor never has been such a 
body pohtic as the people of the United States — that there is not 
now nor has there ever been such a relation existing as a citizen 
of New Hampshire and a citizen of South Carolina bound in the 
«ame social compact. Tliey say the extent of the power does not ■ 
depend on the people, but on the State Legislature. Now those 
are the powers the State Rights claim over the people, but they 
admit they do not claim those powers as deriving' them from the 
Constitution, but by the right of inheritance. 



100 

Now, I presume the people wonld like to know, wliei), how, and 
where, they got this right of inheritance. This, I will endeavor to 
show, and will; also, try to show, that they have actually adopted a 
plan and policy, if carried fully into effect, Vv^ouid secure in them- 
selves all the power claimed over the people. You Vvill recollect 
those politicians sohcited the people hard to get tliem willing to let 
them call a convention, vvhicli they said \y3.s to decide^n an uncon- 
stitutional act of Congress. The people were hard to convince, that 
the course they proposed was a legal remedy, but were doubtful it 
would place us in a state of revolution, but finally McDuffie told 
them it was a peaceable remedy — that if they vrouid consent to call 
a Convention, there should be no call for fighting -men — that he 
would do all the fighting himself— that it Vv^asnot his intention to 
destroy the Constitution, t3ut on the contrary, his object was to 
preserve it. But whether McDuffie did or did not call on any 
one to fight for his great State Right, twenty thousand men were 
called for very soon after the Convention had acted, a.nd what 
they done, I will endeavor to show you. Here issthe policy the 
Convention adopted. They provided in the ordinance, that any 
officer holding an office, under the constituted authority of the peo- 
ple, who would not take an oath prescribed by the Ordinance, his 
office should be vacant and void as if he were dead, or had resigned. 
The members of the Legislature v/ere exempted fram taking any 
oath whatever. 'Now this plan was adopted to throvv" every cne 
out of office who held a commission under the constituted au- 
thority of the people, and then provided that no person should 
hold an office in this State, civil or military — members of the Leg- 
islature excepted— unless they would take an oath, well and truly 
to obey, execute and enforce this ordinance and such acts of the 
Legislature as may be passed in pursuance thereof, according to 
the true intent and meaning of the same. And on the neglect or 
omission of any such person or person so to do, his or their offices 
shall be forthwith vacated, and should be filled up as if suchper- 
!Pon or persons were dead or had resigned. And no person here- 
after elected to any office of honor, profit or trust, civil or mihtary 
— the members of the Legislature excepted — shall hold an office in 
this State. Now^, j^ou.see, the members of the I^egislature are 
always exempt from taking any oath to the people. But accord- 



101 

iii-^ to this policy, eveiy man was to bs out of ofli^^e, who was 
under the authority of the people, and no one could hold an ollice 
of profit or trust, civil or luilitar^f — uiembers of tlie*Iiegislature 
excepted — luiless the}' vv^ould take an oath well and truly to obey, 
execute and enforce this ordinance, and whatever acts the Legis- 
la.t are would pass, to the full extent and meaning of the same, 
So, you see, the oath of allegiance, under the ordinance, was to 
support and defend any act the Legislature would pass, to the 
full extent and meaning thereof; and then provided, again, that 
in no case wherein should be called in question the authorit}^ of 
this ordinance, or any act of the legislature in pursuance of the 
same, no appeal, nor copy of appeai -should be allowed to the Su- 
preme Court of the United States, nor shall any copy of the re- 
cord be permitted or allovv'ed for that purpose. And if any such 
appeal be attempted to be taken, the person or persons atteiupting 
to take such appeal, may be dealt with as for contempt of the 
Court! Novr, you see, in this case, they would outlavv' the citizen, 
for if they disputed the authorit}^ of the ordiucaice, or any act the 
Legislature might pass, they were not allovv ed any hearing in that 
court, and threatened with punishment if they ever attempted to 
take a copy of the records to that court. They then provided, 
farther for their self-defence against the people's authority, that in 
no case in law or equity, wdierein should be cpJled in question the 
authority of the ordinamce, or any a« passed by the Legislature 
in pursuance of tlie same, in this 8tate, no judge or jury should be 
pei-mitted to set on any trial unless they would take an oath that 
they would well and truly obey, execute and enforce the ordinance 
and whatever act or acts the Legislature would pass, to the full 
extent and meaning of the same. If any of the people were to 
dispute the authority of the ordinance, or any act the Legislature- 
passed in this State, and wislied to bring the case before the lawful 
arbiters, they would not allow the people to carry the case before 
the constitutioijal court, and threaten to punisli them if they at- 
tempted to do so. But if they should admit a trial in this State^ 
and you disputed tlieir autliority, before they vrould permit the 
people to do so, tlicy v\^ou]d 'swear judge and jury to decide for 
them against tiie citi^^en. This is two of the defeuces ilicy have 
provided in their self-defence against the citizen. The next do- 



102 

fence they put up was ibis, they passed a law that there should be. 
no appeal from the decision of a court martial, and wli'cli would 
answer theni the same purpose as the Inquisitorial Court of the 
Pope did him, to force liiin into power. Now when the word 
Ordinance and the Legislature is mentioned, it amounts in all to 
about the same thing, for the ordinance is only destined to give 
and express the great powers conveyed to the Legislators; it pre- 
tends that it is nullifying the law of Congress, but it is all the 
while nullifying the authority of the people and establishing their 
own. 

Let me now carry out their plan of g^overnment, and see what 
powers they w^ould have, for it is just establishing such powers as 
they claim. No one shall hold any olilce, unless he takes the 
oath, that he will support and defend any act the Legislature 
may pass — you are not allov^red to dispute any . act they pass, in 
the United States Court, if you even attempt to take a copy of the 
records of such a case, you shall be punished as the court may 
think proper. If you dispute their authority, and bring it before a 
court of this State, judge and jury, m.ust be sworn to decide for 
them, against you, and then provide- a military court, from which 
there should be no appeal. Now, let me shov/ the people 
what povv^ers this would give the Legislature. Suppose they have 
liberty to pass what laws tliey please, for you see, under the Ordin- 
ance, they were not Ijound mherv/ise than their own will — they 
were not brought under any obligation by oath, but were left to 
their own will. Suppose they can make any law they please, and 
every man in oSice bound to support and defend any act they pass, 
to the full extent and true meaning thereof, amd all the judges and 
juries are bound to well and truly obey, and enforce any act the 
Lep'islature would pass, to the full extent and true meaning of the 
same, this v»^ould fully enthrone the Legislature with power to 
make any law they pleased ; and they could affix the punishment 
of any crime they thought proper, in this militar}* court, and so 
force an)^ law they pleased on the. people. And I have, also, been 
credibly informed, that those politicians introduced a bill defining 
the punishment of treason against the State. The bill, (if I am 
informed correctl}^,) was this, if any one spoke against an)^ act the 
Legislature passed, or resisted it in any manner whatever, the 



103 

penalty should be death without the benefit of the clcrg-y. At lirsi 
I did not understand what was the meaning of the word " clergy " 
but have since learned it, and for fear there are many others hke 
myself, I will explain, that they may understand it. Under the 
old English law, when any one committed an oifence, they \vero 
condemned to death, no one had the power to pardon them, un 
less the clergy would first sign the petition and reconnnend them 
to mercy, then they could be pardoned, and not until then. Now^ 
you see, this bill defining the punishment of treason against the 
State, as it is called, was, if a person spoke against any act the 
Legislature passed, or resisted it in any way vvdiatever, the penalty 
w^as death without any chance of being reprieved. Now, after all 
this claim of power, Vvdiich I have shown they have claimed over 
the people, and I have shovvm the policy of Government introdu- 
ced by them, to secure to themselves the powers claimed, can 
the people doubt for one moment that their intentions v/ere to 
swindle the power from the people, and enthrone themselves in it. 
It is precisely the policy of the Pope, v\dth a few exceptions. 

In tiie first place, like the Pope, they formed a system of Govern- 
ment, that no court could call them to an account for any act they 
pleased to pass; and they had laid dov\m a system, that every 
officer, judge, and jury, should be bound to enforce any act they 
would pass, without placing themselves under any restraint, or 
restriction by, or to the people. Instead of the inquisitorial, they h ad 
introduced the military court ; and like the inquisitorial court, no 
court could call them to an account for any act done by it. Then 
the bill defining the punishment of treason against those sovereign 
Legislators w^as, that if any one should speak against a^n}^ act the 
Legislature w^ould pass, or resist it in any manner whatever, the 
penalty w^as death, without any chance of being reprieved. So 
their policy and plan of Government just exerts the same powder 
over the people, as did that of the Pope. The only difference is 
they have a military court instead of the inquisitorial. Now the 
policy of the -people's Government, under their constituted authori- 
ty, provides that the mihtary shall he, in subordination to the ciVil 
power. 

Perhaps, now, you might say, why do you write on this subject 7 
IS it not all passed away, and done v;ith? Now, 1 tell you, no. I 



104 

will try to siiovv' yoii; that aithoiigli they seem laid asidc^ those poli- 
ticians, under the nai no of >Sia/e /^i§7i/(i' did introduce the tariff., 
as your enemy, to attract your attention from what they were 
trying to accomphsh over the people, and had ahnost effected their 
purpose — the dethroning the ^people of all power of resisting them, 
as I have shown 3'ou in this State. Perhaps this was introduced 
as an experiment, to see if the people were ignorant enough to let 
them pass such lav/s, as would bind themselves, and not perceive 
it. This a,ppears really to have been the case 'in this State, and 
all over the United States ; if this was their plan they must have 
been much encouraged by their success, for in this matter they 
have not been. detected by any other ivj'iter in the United States j 
but myself. Therefore, I say, they haVe been largely encouraged, 
for they, and their deceived friends^ are ah.vays boasting on the 
Vfisdom, patriotism, and republican principles of their great leading 
politicians, who introduced those principles, which were to give the 
Legislature the absolute control over both the lives, liberties, and 
property of the people, and had, as I have shovv^n, formed a poli- 
cy and plan of Government to secure the power claimed. And 
their boasts seem to be carried on yet, and no one seems to oppose 
them. I will try to show the people, that those same politicians 
have, at tliis time, laid a much deeper plan to destroy the liberties, 
privileges, and property of the people, than that called the State 
Right of South Carolina,, this they bring up under the name of the 
Wihnot Proviso and call on the people of the Southern States to 
draw up resolutions to resist it, as if there were no provisions in 
the Constitution to set aside any unconstitutional act Congress 
should think proper to pass. They, themselves sa,y, it would be 
contrary to the principles of the Constitution, were they to pass 
such a la.w. I admit, myself, that it would be unconstitutional for 
Congress to pass such an act, and as such I do not regard any 
more than the dirt that sticks to my feet, for Congress is only 
the agent of the people, and are acting for them under the v/ritten 
power of ptttorney, therefore any act passed not authorised by that 
power of attOiney,is not binding on the people, and it is a conceded 
point in law and equity, that an agent, acting for others under 
a written power of attorney has no pov\xr to* act beyond that express- 
ly granted. This is. also, a point admitted; by those same politi- 



cKUis. in I'iC Address acconinaiiyiiig (he Ordbiaiice. This Ijeio^ 
ih:ic:isc. ih'."^ i3eople would have nothiiiif io do bul disreirard such 
a law^, for Congress could. not, nor has she povver lo apiKuui of- 
dcers to meddle with the domestic affairs of the people, either in a 
State or Territor}^: and even if they would attempt any such a 
thing, the decision of the constitutional coiut would protect the citi- 
zens from such attempted u.surpaiion. So ti<ere arc two reasons, 
that would lead me to disrr-ii:! :;a-li laws that Congress niiglit 
pass: J^/'^tjigl^ecause they h" ' ■-.■:i^-" i.* appohii oiiicers to en- 

force such laws ; and aga! ;;i'i;:';s (^f the Supreme Court 

would be bound to set aside bucii laws; as 1 have before shown, 
therefore, we the people, ha.v. •:■■."■' ' •■; ^-.nI- ^ p v-^'^ll or^^anized 
system of laws, under our •: /. -oiiiiiiig law- 

ful arbiters to settle all dis]3utes betw :. : ^ :[ our agents, 

as well as between ourselves individua-;_- ::.:-!; the neces- 
sity of combining any other physical i :. that already 
condjined, under the etiects of the [i::: vi. Cut it seems those pol- 
iticians would wish to persK-: ■ ^ M-/ -- ■•" '■^■'i ihey v;;--(' now 
forming apian of resistanc: ;- v; .-r > '(ai:-'<-,s, 
as if there had never beeji auy {)hi Uiii 1 ihinJ; 
I will be al)]e to show th^^ ''■ " . - uia* Uici^.h;, 
to do, is to oveiihrow : .Liiiaeiit of th 
their constitui; ;r, . 

You will, pea : ^k itic Y;liat a ""-->';-"-- 

politicians to a ..■;. so iiappy a y . 
iiave described, and whicli v/oirld iea\.' 

drinking under his own via- :''.'.■' '-':;: '• 

afraid — you have showed 1'; 

that of the people. If-' a:;:. 

government- as you appv....^ a, ,.,.,/-. ,:i._. m^.: 

tjiey not theinselves have t,o come under it as v,"ell as us, and 

could not we, the people, get along in it as. well as they themselves 

could, would it not be as ^v .i ;:.,- n>.-n. ^s for the pcop!c/ 

Nov/ i Will try to coa /opic of this mistakcj and to 

carry out my views, 1 \va! siipps).,a a clu^ .;e the politicians 

of the Soutii and of tlui Ixo-tli were actia., ... v.aicert, and it wa^ 
-issigncd to Uie politicians of the North to irritate the feelings of 
tljc vK^opic of tlic North against those of. the South, and if th^ 

14 









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106 

S8:me part was assigned to tliose of the South, to irritate the people 
of the South against the North,^ for the purpose of getting them 
to seperate from each other, and thus produce a dissolution of the 
Union. And if so, the people would have no government at all, 
for the government of the people is formed and established by the 
articles of Union — estabhshing a government of principles and 
not of Legislative authoi;ity. The people have secured this gov- 
ernment of principles under their ovrn authorit}-, by a written 
agreement under an article of Union. 

Now, I say, if this Union could be destroyed, the people would 
be without a government, and every office from the Constable to 
the President would be vacated, and we would have neither gov- 
ernment nor officers. And again, suppose that the Government of 
England has bribed those head pohticians with large sums of mo- 
ney, to overthrow the Government and place it in such a situation 
that it could again be brought under the authority of the English 
government, if they could succeed in any way doing so. Suppose 
ao-ain, that the government of England would promise to settle 
the government of a large territory on them, for life, and on their 
oldest heirs forever, as it is at present with the landlords. Suppose 
a large bribe, with the government of this territory, and a large 
yearly salary annexed were offered to those head politicians, 3"ou 
may see at once they would not be placed under this bad govern- 
ment, but would be placed over it to rule and govern the people 
just as they pleased, and would keep as large - a hfe-guard as they 
might think proper, and make the people feed and clothe them to 
keep them under authority, 

I hope this showing will convince the people that those politi- 
cians might not come under this bad government which I have 
been describing, but would bring the people under it, and keep 
them there when once under its influence, and v^ould leave them 
without an> choice but obedience. Now, if w^e should suppose 
this the object they were aiming to effect, instead of resisting an 
unconstitutional act of Congress, let us see how far the present 
plan, called the Wilmot Proviso, or in other words, how far the' 
policy introduced under the name of resisting Congress, would 
affect that which I have been supposing. If their intentions are 
to overthroAv t]ie Government of the United States, and bring 



107 

ikem under the aiitliority of Eugiaiid, it seems they sa}/, the people 
of the South must all come to one agreement and draw up resolu- 
tions to resist the North. Now, I wish the people to notice what 
kind of resolutions these were, and which amounted to this : If 
Congress cTid pass such a law, we would not submit to it, though 
it should cast us out of the Union — that we would sacrifice the 
Union before we would submit to this Wilmot Proviso, as if we 
had no other remedy but to submit or dissolve the Union. Ac- 
cordmg to the plan of the Constitution, vv e are under no obligation 
to submit to the Wilmot Proviso, nor to dissolve the Union. It 
is the very articles of the Union that enables us to oppose the 
Wilmot Proviso, as I have fully shown. 

But let us carry out their policy and see where it would lead the 
people. I have remarked before, that their plan is deep, and their 
scheme well laid to overthrow th^ Government of the people. 
Whether it is done through ignorance or intention, I cannot say, 
and I am well persuaded that there are many honest and honora- 
ble men, deeply engaged* in carrying on this plan of destruction, 
who are innocent of having any evil designs in the matter ; but if 
the people were to lose their liberty, and right to control their own 
property, whether it Vv^as taken intentionally or through ignorance.^ 
the loss would be the same. Suppose a man was to kill me acci- 
dentally, the loss would be as great to me, as if he. had taken it 
intentionally, but the crime would not be the same in each case. 

But let us return to the plan, which I think they have laid to 
destroy this Union, and by that means overthrow the Government 
of the people. The plan they now adopt under the name of the 
Wilmot Proviso, is to draw up resolutions in every District over 
the Southern States, and to act very calm, so as to not excite sus- 
picion on the part of the people, that they are designing to harm 
them, merely advertising that there would be a public political 
meeting at the village on such a day, perhaps on a sale-day, so 
that the people's attention will be pretty inuch engaged about their 
domestic affairs, and not suspecting it a matter of much importance 
very few would give any attention. I will give you some descrip- 
tion of the one I saw, I would not have seen it, had I not had 
business, nor did I hear of the meethig until I got tliere, and learur 
mg there was to be a public meeting, I wished to learn something 



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hreJth (or w^^^soni of uty ]\v^\\\U to Ci^^asiso tlseii^, s-> i i!!f>ifn:nt 
; \\'oi!ld tiy a dillorcnt pl'ui -\\<:;i'i m ■•- iln^ sword oi the issoutl! 
o.i paper, and try 1'"^ " " '■"'■• ' ' ' : ^y:'v. 

Bill now ibr their ^ :/> ci-^ ■ir<;-\ ('u- (-^(uci'Dnicut oi 

.l!ie people. I have sliowi). ytni li;-" u'-^w hv whi-!! t'lc}' liave 
drawn up those resokitioiis — resohui-^ ■ ^'-' ■'::> pniyosc of havino; 
a pretext to. withdraw from the U;^ ■■- Uwy to af'-enipt to 

pass the Wihuot Proviso. Al t!;'^ ^n;;' iln-y p;;ssod t];,e l)rdiiuu!ce, 
!i\ey claiiiied the power 'iTiRl.^i' tj-t; uauK^ (^T (ii^' CoitrfHrion of fhr. 
People^ and })rctended tliat, as this c:;nve'?i;]o^i prorri;ded iVru;? 
the people, tJiey had a right to nink':' vdiatever g;a\"oniinoisl. or 
laws tJie}' thoisgiit proper, and thai llse people had no coisrso hut 
ohcdieace. In place of t!io G^;'/-'////^;-.','. tliey have adopted the 
plan of Resolutions^ introduced, as 1 have shovv^n, in oi'der to 
have a s]iowin<^, that when f'ley wifiidrnw fr{^]n tlie Union, (liat 

•they are acting under a writlen aihliority from the people. Now, 
under wliat they called Nuhifieation, claimed that, hy tlie Con- 
vention, the}^ had power td'act as tliey did, from the autliority of 
Jlie people, hecause they had, after long persuasion and promises \o 
the people, that they had no intention to destroy the C'onstituiion 
or the Union, or to |)lace tlie State noder tiie |)rinci5de of revolu- 
tion, hut their ohject was to preseive tJie Union : and went on io 
sav their course was l!io lawful remedy, and not revolntionary — 
that if Congress was to declare war against South Carolina, and 
send Gen. Jackson to fight agvsisf hcA\ he would iind e^er) man 
in his field at work — that iU-\\. Jackson would not wins Ids army 
attack one individual, and (s^at he, (McDuffie) woidd do ah^ tlio 

" fighting hiniself. The vrhole matter, said l;e, vroald wIjkI u.p in 
ihis: Gen. Jackson will l>e sent to fight South Carolina, and will 
order his meii to chaige on South Carolina, tdioy will strike their 
hayonets in the ground all over tlie Shate, and tliat is all {{wy 
would do against \\v' ^hsh^ anl tsnae would end all those revolu- 
tionary measures dicscgj:vienn'n havehoen tryuig to alarm you 
with. And (hen pdedging himself on t'ne honor of a man, ihat he 
would do ail the fighting hijnself— that he would not ask any man 
h) fight on the occasion. 1 Uuive this to the pfM^pK^ of Soiilli (Caro- 
lina to sny, how ihi- iha! pr(>niise was rnhili<H!. It is tr-ae theri^ 
was no figiiliiig dione. htit \ lldnk soiuc hody 



iiioiisand volunteers, about the jftrst thing after the people gave 
t hem peniiissioii to hold a cgiiveiitioii ; and placed the State in 
a situation that she had no course but to fight or desolve the Union, 
for no comt, they said, had any riglit to decide on any act they 
would pass._ And as there are but two ways of settling disputes, . 
the one by law, the other by the sword, and when they had placed 
their act out of reach of law, there was no other way to settle 
their case but by the sword. Yes, they say they settled it'by com- 
promise. Yes, and I say, they cannot show in any part of the 
Constitution, tha't Congress has any right to make a compromise 
in an}?^ case. And the compromise was a much worse tariff than 
we had before they a,greed that all the unlawful tariff might be 
collected for two years, before any reduction was to be 'made, and 
after that the tenth part of all the unlawful tariff not needed for 
the wants of Government, was to be taken off every two years. 
But they had made no provisions about what amount of money • 
should be considered sutlicient for the wants of Government. Mc- 
Duff IE had stated that thirteen millions would be sufiicient, but 
behold it seemed they were spending tvs^enty-two milhons at the 
time this great ccmpromise v»"as made ; and before the time came 
for this compromise to go into effect, the expenditures of Govern- 
ment had increased to thirty-three millions, and if lam not mistaken, 
the next year it amounted to forty-four millions or near that amount, 
imd before the close of Yan Buren's administration, the Govern- 
ment v/as very much in debt. Although Gen. Jackson was so 
much complained of, by those politicians, who claim the absolute 
contiiol over the lives, liberty, and property of the people, had un- 
der his administration of Government, on going out of office, left 
the United States free from debt, v^ith a considerable balance of 
revenue in the treasury. So Yan Buren's administration sa.ved 
them of any trouble of reducing the tariff. It is true some modifi- 
cations were made, but for the }Au-pose of receiving a tariff dut}^ on 
such articles as could not be imported under the former tariff: and 
in some instances some modifications on certain other articles were 
made, but was those modifications made in consequence of the 
compromise ? I think there are few men who will take the trouble 
on themselves and examine the case fully, will say they vrere made 
in pursuance of the compromise, because the expenditures of the 



Ill 

u)veriinieiiL were increased (o over the araoisnl of revenue collect- 
ed, so there was no unlawful revenue to deduct, and the compro- 
mise was to reduce only the tentli part of all revenue not needed^ 
Now, you see, it Vv^as all needed, and more had to be collected, ao 
the vdiole story 'of the compromise eliecting- anything, is all false. 
This will show you how much to depend on the policies and plans 
they have proDosed to the people. But nov/ they tell tlie people 
they must draw up resolutions to resist the Yv^ilmot Proviso, and. 
send them on by the members. Those resolutions are drawn up 
]3y men, who kno^^ hov\^ to do it, so as to ansvrer the purposes and 
de^signs attempted against the Government of the people. The 
resolutions amount to giving the members of Congress from the 
South, the right to vrithdraw from tlie Union, provided she should 
attempt to pass the law called the Wilmot Proviso, and said it was 
the unanimous voice of the people, when perhaps not one hundredth 
man would be willing to dissolve the Union,and I am sure not one 
single man, who understands the plan of Government under the 
constituted authority of the people, would be willing, unless he ^vas 
a fiend or a devil,because if this Union is dissolved the people would 
be without any Government ; and perha ps those politicians who 
have been claiming the absolute control over both the lives, liberty, 
and property of the people, might place them under a plan of Gov- 
ernment, such as I have been showing in this same Book, and 

. . . • 

the people in a situation, that they would hctve no course but to 

obey. But you will, perhaps, ask vrhat advantage it would be to 
them? would they not have to live under the same themselves? 
I say, perhaps not, let me suppose a scheme, that might be in ex- 
istance. Suppose the politicians of the South and North, were 
acting in concert, for the purpose of destroying the Government of 
the people. Suppose the part assigned to the politicians of the 
North, was to irritate the feelings of the people of the North against 
those of the South ; and those of the South to irritate, the people of 
the South against those of the North, so that they Would dissolve 
and destroy their own Government, for, if vre of the South Avere to 
withdraw from the Union, we \vould have no Government, until 
we could form one. And suppose these })oliticians were hired with 
a large bribe l)y the British, or some other Government, and that 
in addition to this large simi of mon(\v. tliey had the promise that 



lhe Governm.-iU of a l;ir^c sod.ioii of country should be seiliea Oii 
liiem and tki^ir li-ir.; io^ Ki^, ^vi^'5 ^ i-^-g« yearly salary annexed--- 
"^^^.^ !v' 1- -p- ii(>;vvM)nb% and Derhapy, a life guard would be 
iiiaintaliied by tbo ^^-'-^ lax, to keep them in bondage. Ihey 
wo^ildtlicnl3e placed in the same sit iiation which the landWds are 
in En-land, they could retain their offices wlliiout any dependence 
on tlie people, and instead of being goyerned by the people, diey 
would ^oyern the people— haying absolute contr * oyer theirliyes, 
hberties! and y}-^-}criy. as they haye claimed. 

"if tMs is really uitir scheme, lei us see how their policy and 
plj^- \i^nld work under those resolutions, said to be the unani^ 
inous yoice «f the people— tlmt amounts almost to giying Congress 
iv.e power to dissolye the Union, as a remedy against the attacks 
made on the institutions of the Soutli. Let us s€e how the reme- 
vy would work out, and how much the people of the South or 
North either would be bcneftted by it. If we of the South, as a 
^lol^ticrl body, withdraw fi'om the-lTnion, we would then haye no 
Gov4mnent until we could form one. The next question is, who 
will own all the public property of the United States, wilht be us 
who haye no goyernment,.or will it belong to those who remam 
in the former Goyernment of the United States? I for one sup- 
^M^sQ those who remained in the Goyernment would hold the pul)- 
iic rronertc, and suopose they did, all the shipping, the nayy, all 
the arms and ammunition, and all the fortifications : and haymg 
men and ollicers in possession of them, under the oath of allc- 
ainnce, to support and depend the constituted authority of the 
United States, and their bemg in possession of ah those thmgs, 
nnd with the officers under the authority of the United States, it 
is ])ut reasonable to suppose they would try, at least, to keep pos- 
sesion But our Southern politicians tell us, if wc seperate from 
ihe North, we will haye iVcc irade, but suppose the. balance of the 
United Slates, who remain in the Union under the constituted au- 
thovitv of the' people, and who haye all the -navy, fortifications, 
"Ims and ammunition in their possession, should blockade the 
Southern ports, we would then l)e altogether without ircule, find 
■ would not Imye cyeii a schooner toopcn the ports with.. But they 
.r'l us we wiU ioiu any power to assist us in IVee trade. Sdppose 
^np., .vc cal! w^on En-land to open the port- for us wc would 



J 13 

• 
• lien, have to declare war ag^aiiisl the Nortli. and joiii with En^r 
laud. And ssipnose Engjand and th« South, alior two-thirds of 
each being killed, as also of t'lc Nortli, and nearly ail the j3ro{).erty 
of both the North and tlie Sonth destroyed, snpooisetlien, with the 
help of England, we should succeed in conquering- the North af- 
ter this immense loss of life and treasure — suppose when the North 
vras conquered, the British Government should say to the North 
\'ou belon.ged to be once ])efore, and now yon shall come under our 
Government again ; and they would say to the South, we have 
lielpcd you to vvhip the North, and have got it under our govern- 
ment again, now you .s-/? a// also come under us again, and if you 
refuse we will force the North to lielp conquer 3^oiK 

It really does api)ear to me that this is the plan laid by our poh 
iticians, as I can see iio other channel that their plan could run 
through. 

But suppose we could place it on seme easier plan to destroy the 
Government of tlie people, and luring it ujider the British Govern- 
ment Vvdthout such loss of life and property, we will suppose the 
politicians of the North and of the South Avho may or might be 
engaged in trying to bring this under the British Government, 
were all acting in concert ; and suppose those who were promised 
those bribes of money and the government of a consideral)le ter- 
ritory during their life and the life of their children after them 
forever, for the United States is suflicieotty large to furnish a great 
many territorial governments, so that a large number of the poli- 
ticians could thus be furnished v.dth governmejits. If there was a 
concert oj" this kind, those politicians having deceived all the hon^ 
est portion of the commimity, in making them believe they were 
their sincere hiends, and getting the people to let them have the 
plan, as tlicy call it, to resist their enemies eitlier North or South, 
which ever their pait was to act, and liaving the confidence of the 
people so much that they could place the most important offices in 
their hands ;, and suppose v*dien the South was to v.dthdraw from 
the Union, and w^e would be blockaded honi trading, and woidd 
declare war against the I\^orth, and get I'lnglaml to help us, that 
those politicians at the Nor!h sliould surrcLKkr with very little 
show of resistance, and agree to come under tlie liritish Govern- 
ment, and then tb.c politicians of the South, would persuade \\\c 

15 



114 

people, that we had better come mider the goi'ernmeiit of ih& 
British, for as the North Vv as now under their power, and had 
under their control all the public property, fortifications, arms, am- 
munition, all the shipping and navy, that it \vas all the fault of 
the North, that had brought us into this situation, a,nd that we 
had no chance to resist the power of the British Govei'nment, and 
to save our lives and property we had better submit — that England 
had proposed that citizens of the United States were to be placed 
at the head of those Territorial Governments, and to make the 
people more satisfied, they had secured it in them and their heirs 
forever. 

Well, if this is really the design of those pohticians, no doubt 
that this or some sort of flattery will be made to the people to make 
them satisfied, and make them believe that they had not brought 
them in this situation by design. It really does seem to me that 
some such design is in view, for Vs'hy should our Southern pohti- 
cians say to us, if the North and South get into difficulties, Eng- 
land will assist the South ; and why should they say, Ave Avill join 
any power that will assist us in Free Trade. 1 will endeavor in 
the course of this work, to show the people that we now have as* 
free a trade as we can have, under the existing circumstances, for 
we are competed to lay on duties to raise mone}^ to pay the neces- 
sary wants of Government, and so would we have to do, were we 
seperate from the North, if we had all the privileges and liberty 
we now enjoy, under the constituted authorities, but this would 
be impossible were we seperated fi-om the General Government. 
Why should we confide in England to secure us in our own South- 
ern rights, as it respects our slave propei-t}', for this is one of the 
pretexts for dissolvmg the Union, as England is more opposed to 
our domestic institutions than the North, and the King would 
rather have subjects than slaves, for he can levy a tax on his sub- 
jects, for as much money as he wants, and then command them to 
fight for him whenever he wishes. So, you see, it is his interest 
not to have servants as slaves, for thej^ would belong, to their mas- 
ters, and he could have no control over them, to make them fight 
for him, therefore, it would be the interest of the King not to al- 
low slaves in his government : that being the case, I do not see 
why we should call on hiiu, as a friend, in this instance, against 
the North 



115 

I think I have now shovv^n that a deeper plan cannot be devised 
to overthrow the Government of the people, than has been laid 
under those two plans : first of getting the people willing to call a 
convention, and this convention of the State to set up the claim 
of placing the Legislative authority absolute in its control over the 
lives, liberty and property of the people — changing the Republican 
form of Government, and establishing a real Military Monarchy, 
calling it a State Right, and telling us if we opened our ports 
free of duty, other States seeing us get goods free would do the 
same ; and if the North shonld meddle, England would help us. 
And now making out that if Congress should attempt to pass 
the Wilmot Proviso, we would dissolve the Union— that we 
would join any power that would assist us in free trade. All those 
appearances must contain some secret kept from the people, for if 
Congress is the agent of the people, and acting under a written 
power of attorney, and has no authority on that written po.wer of 
attorney, what need the people care for the law, the Constitution 
provides that all powers not granted to Congress was to be reserved 
to the States, or to the people ; and it being a conceded point that 
the people of every State has the right to make all laws, rules and 
regulations, to regulate their own domestic affairs, within the 
bounds of their own State, Congress has no right to say whether 
a State shall own slaves or not, and I am sure our constitutional 
judges would say the same, and decide that such was no law; anci 
as no law can be enforced without the decision of a court of judges 
respecting domestic rights, their decision would make it no law, 
and there would be the end of all this Wilmot Proviso, and no 
need of dissolving the Union, and bring all this desolation and 
destruction on the people, which I have shown, the plan of those 
politicians would do, who claim the absolute control over both the 
lives, liberty, and property of the people. But suppose we should 
carry those views farther and suppose the hitentions of those politi- 
cians to be good — that any error that has occurred was an error of 
the head, and not of the heart, and all they have done was from 
good motives, which is the best footing on which we can place a 
view of those things. 

But let us see how the pohcy of the State Right, as they call it, 
^vould work in all the bearings ofGovcriiinent. And as they say„ 



116 

ilieir object is uoi lode,>iioy the CoiislilulioUj but to pre^ierve il- ■ 
that their object is not to take avv'ay iLe li'oertics fVor.i the people. 
Ijiitto protect them in tlieir bbeities and prope!t3\ Now, we will 
see what kind of protection they offer the people, undei- their pohcy 
and plan of Government. In the first place, if Congress passes 
an unconstitutional law, so as to infringe on the rights of a citizen, 
their plan is, that a Convention of the State must be called to de- 
cide on the rights of a citizen. Well, we will suppose Congress 
passes a law contrary to what the Constitution' aalhorises, tlieir 
p'a 1 is, that the citizen, to be protected against that Idw, urast iirst 
go to the Legislature and convince two-tliirds of that body, that 
his rights is infringed upon by an unconstitutional act of Congress, 
for under the Constitution it requires tvv^o-thirds of the Legislature 
to give their consent before any convention ca,n be called, therefore, 
according to their plan, the citizen must convince two-thirds of 
the Leixislature. before he can have his case tried. And then 
when he has convinced tlieni that his rights have been infringed, 
he cannot make them call a convention, it would be at their discre- 
tion, whether they call it or not, for he cannot force them to it. — 
So, you see, this plan of Government places it at the pleasure of 
the Legislature, Vvdiether the citizen is protected or not, and makes 
him completely dependant on tliem whetlier he has any protection 
jt)r not, only their own will. But we will place it on the best foot- 
ing we can, .suppose • these Legislators, in their high and sove- 
reign capacity, as they style it, should condescend to call a con- 
vention to consider the case of this citizen, whicJi would cost the 
State perhaps forty thousand dollars. This coiivention sits by 
herself, and decides for iierself, the balance of the Union party 
concerned in the case are not permitled to be present, nor are 
they permitted to put up any defence vdiatever. And, suppose the 
balance of the Union party v^dio Vv^ere concerned, were not satis- 
fied with their decision, which is a very reasona/jle supposition, as 
they had no chance to put up any defence, nor liave any hearing 
in the case, it is very reasonable to suppose they would not be 
satisfied with the decision ; and if they weie not satisfied, how 
could this convention enforce Jior decision against the United 
[States, one State has not the physical power to enforce a law 



cordinf^; to ihai [vlaa, iiic ciiizcii wonld !>- ■■■ui ■; idly jiiuiAjcfcJ l>v 
ti 10.50 sovereign Legislators. 

Suppose we take the plan i\i\^C: lli'' ciinsiitaf-J aal-iority of the 
people, wliicli I contend for, that Congi-cs;:;: is tjie •v,r;"nt. of i\\i) peo- 
ple, acting imder a wntieii power of atloiJU'}^, ai^;.! llicy pass a 
law not authorised in the Constiiiidoii. and thai kiw^ iulVijifVv^s on 
the lights of the ciiizciis, I. beinv>; one of (Jie so\^ortdgn rillzens, 
refuse to obey that b^^^ and tlie Con;-;tituiioii provides nsat^'no 
iVeenian of this State slKdi he lakoii, or iiifpriscjsiod, or disseized of 
ids freehold, liberties or privilci'^ss, < i «s;;]a\ved, or exiled, or in any 
way destroyed or depi-ived oflils liio. WUcny, or propcriy, but by (be 
judgment of his peers." Now, as Coagrcss nor iiie Ijegisla;,ure of 
the States have no way by whic]i fiiey can force any lavr over ilio 
people, but by the judgment of his peers, any citizen lias thi) n:j;hi 
to refuse obedience to a lavv' he tldnks unconstitni.ional, nor can 
they force him to obey until tliey bring hini Ifc-bie ilie consiiiii- 
tional court, and tM-; jndges of that court are bound to decide ac- 
cording to tlie conslididv-aa'ity of tb.e case. So the ciiizaii can 
show by his attorney that (Jangross has do power laidoi- ilio Con- 
stitution to pass such a law, and the nidges are bound to decide ac- 
cording to the principles of liie Uonstiinlion — being a (^ovci-n:neut 
of principles established hy iiie people — and not acia^rdiiig (o wliat, 
any nuijority of Congress noght pass, and so S(3t ibis nnconstiUi- 
tional law aside by their docision, and tbe Presideci is bound to 
see all the laws of the Us dan fliithfnlly executed, the wl^ole United 
States being bound to enfs^rre tlie decision of liie jnd^res of ihe 
Supreme Court. In this way die ciliz'Mi can. proioct idaiself inde- 
pendent of the J^iCgislaturos or any olbcr, under this well organ- 
ized system of laws estai^lished uiider ibe consiiUiled anlhorif.ir of 
the people. Their plan is to jdace the citizen in a situation tjjal. 
they could have no other protection tlian they thought proper to 

give him. But theplan of (be Consiitution places tlie citizen 

the true sovereign — in a situatioii tliat he caii protect himself 
against any law unauthorised by the Constilulion, and place (he 
eitizen in a situation tJuit ho can eavt and drink luuler his own 
vine and lig tiee, aiul uojh^ to nsake Isiio afradil, fo-r daae is no 
authority estaldished over the people, but iheir own. Uvd accord 



118 

ing to the plan atteinptcd to Ijc estabiislied over tlie people by tills 
great goddess Nulliticatioii, the Legislature vrouid have the abso- 
lute control over the lives, liber ties,JaDd property, as I have already 
shown, and so situate them that they would have no course but 
obedience. But let us examine a httle farther, how their plan of 
Government will work. They say each State has the right to de- 
cide for herself, and if Congress passes a law contrary to the Consti- 
tution, that they have a right to nullify that law by counter-legis- 
lation or State Convention, as they did attempt, and that they 
have a riglit to declare the act of Congress null and void and open 
the ports of Charleston free of duty. Now, if this was the plan of 
Government under the Constitution, let us see how it would work. 
The Constitution provides that no article shall enter one port free 
of duty, and pay duty in another, but that duties shall be in uni- 
form throughout the United States. Now if their proceedings are 
right and according to the Constitution, whenever one State might 
think proper to pronounce a law of Congress unconstitutional, she 
could pronounce any port free of duty ; forif one State would have 
that right, I would suppose every other State would have the same 
right. So if South Carolina would act first and pronounce the 
port at Charleston free of duty, and as no article was to enter 
free in one port, and not in another, according to the Constitution 
that w^ould stop the collection of duties all over the United States, 
But suppose Congress and South Carolina would settle the dispute 
between them, and commence collecting duties, this would derange 
trade to a great extent, for merchants at one time, would be buying 
goods free of duty, at another paying high duties, to make up what 
w^as lost during the dispute between South Carolina and Congress. 
This would throw things in such confusion that iK)thing sure, nor 
certain could exist in commercial transactions. Well, suppose, as 
I have said, that South Carolina and Congress would settle their 
dispute and commence collecting revenue to pay the expenses of 
Government; Louisiana would nullify some other law of Con- 
oress — open her ports free of duty, this woidd stop the collection of 
any revenue in the United States — this would prostrate commer- 
cial operations — giving some, perhaps, large stocks of goods free 
of duty, while, perhaps, others would have large stocks on hand 
that high duties had been paid on. But Congi-ess settles the dis- 



119 

pute between her nitd Louisiana, ccmmences collecting again^ 
when New York nullifies some law of Congress and opens her 
ports free of duty. If this was the plan of our Government, what 
confusion would it produce in all our domestic affairs, or where 
Would Congress have any certainty in raising one dollar to defray 
the expenses of our general Govcliiment, imder any such a system 
of Government as they have advocated, or would the people be 
safe, W secure in any of their rights, if this was the system of Gov- 
ernment, or could the credit of our Government be" perminent un- 
der any such an arrangement. 

Let us carry out#ieir policy a little farther, as they say every 
State has a right to decide for herself — that no lawful arbiter could 
be found sufficiently impartial to decide against their sovereignty. 
We will say that South Carohna and Georgia shall get in some' 
dispute, each State will set by herself, and decide for herself. Now 
there being no lawful arbiter to settle the dispute between them,- 
and there being no way but revolution to settle the dispute, for 
there is but two ways to settle disputes, the one by law, the other 
by the sword. The Constitution provides that no State shall en- 
ter into any treaty of alliance, or confederation, grant letters of 
marque and reprisal. And again it provides, that no State shall 
enter into any agreement or coiiipact with another State, or with 
a foreign power. So in this case, according to the Constitutions- 
South Carolina and Georgia would have to be left alone to settle 
their disputes in the best way they could ; and both States having 
decided for themselves, and as there was then JjUt the one way left 
to enforce their decisions, they would have to resort to the swords 

Now, I would ask, if this plan of Government was established,- 
would South Carolina be on an equal footing with Georgia? and 
would not that plan and policy place all the large States in a situ- 
ation that they could impose on the smaller ones ? Then there 
could be no way under their policy, to make States equal, but to 
pass a law that there should always be an equal number of people 
in every State, and an equal number of fighting men in each 
State, so that when they had to settle their disputes by the sword,- 
they could balance the power by giving every State an equal force 
to fight with. This would place us back under scenes similar to 
those that characterised the dark ages, and in (he same situation 



120 

■jf the Hcatlicii ajiil ii^diaas. where every chief Jias his own tribe 
and terrliory to defend, and having no knowledge how to provide 
lawfid arbiicts to setilo the dlspiiles that arise amongst each other, 
but resort to the sword, and are thus continnally niinxlering each 
other, undl they depopidate tlieir numbers, that they become at 
last an easy prey to their enemies. If onr poKticians are leading 
tile people into all. those errors and difiiculties, ignorantlv, we 
liavc no right any longer to permit them to dictate for iis,wit if 
they are leading us into those diilicultics intentionally, we still have 
ie^s right to let them act for us longer, iu a public capacity. It 
matters not how much we may respect those ii#ividuals personall}^ 
\vc ou^ht to see, now, to our o^ni ri^rhts and liberties ; and unless 
those politicians come osit and pui^licl}^ acknowledge, that tliey 
have been deceived, as I am fully pursuaded all of our good citi- 
zens v\^cre. and now^ discover their error, I would now advise the 
citizens ])OLhof tlie South a,nd North,, not to give them a sin,c^le vote. 

But now I will attempt to show^ the people, if we \vere to dis- 
solve tlie Union, and tliat the North and South botii could live un- 
der the same republican form of Government, which is established 
Yv'liich would not be the case, were we to be directed by those poli- 
ticians wdio recommend the dissolution of the Govern! nent, on ac- 
count of oiu-Sou-tiiern institutions; a,ndl W"ill show how it would 
effect Iwth the Nortii and the South to dissolve this happy Union. 

in the lirst place, let us dissolve the Union, what advantages 
vrould ]jot]i the Nortli and South lose — in the first place each citi- 
zen was to have freg ingress and egress to and from all the States 
in theUnioUj and enjoy all the privileges and immunities of citi- 
zens of the sauie State, This made every citizen sovereign every- 
where he went throughout the United States, for he could com- 
mand the obedience and services of the officers of any State to 
execute the lavr in his behcilf, in case his rights were infringed upon 
and they were as much bound to obey him as if they w^ere citizens 
of t'lie same State. So the sovereignty of each citizen was, by 
ihe Union, extended over the United States. If we were to dis- 
solve the Union^ the people ]:.oth of the North and South would 
lose that right from each other. If any person committed an of- 
fence in au}^ one State of the North or South, ancl escaped to 
tjic odier. nei'rr';^:^''''' w^idd he h^nnd to deliver upsuch offender. 



121 

'riiis IS a i'igiiL we would all Jose, if 'diere was a national offence 
committed against either North or ^iith, we would not be more 
than half as strong to resist the ofience, and by some means of 
other might be encouraged to join the enemy against each other, 
be destroying both the lives and property of each other, whereas 
under the Union we are like brothers and sisters — the friends of 
God and his Christ — bound to support and defend each other 
against' all attacks made both on account of religion, trade, sove- 
reignty,. or any other pretence whatever, and when united we have 
no power to declare war with or against each other, and have 
adopted a lawful arbiter to settle all disputes that might exist 
amongst each • other — every man eating and drinking under Ids 
own vine and fig-tree, and none to make him afraid — Vv^hile we 
have united our physical power by a firm league of friendship, 
makmg ourselves that " strong man" united, unfettered by dem.a- 
gogues. King, Prince or Potentate, carrying with us the great lion 
of power. 

Yes, fellow citizens, under the Constitution, we, the people, 
control all laws — -the great lion of the earth — by which Kings, Des- 
pots and Monarchs have ruled and controlled the physical by a 
political powder, as I have shown. But if w^e remain united, and 
protect and defend each other according to the principles contain- 
ed in the Constitution, we are safe, but if we listen t*the flattery 
of such demagogues,, who have been preaching up such State 
Rights as I have been showing, and the principles of Abolition, 
such as those fanatics of the North, in order to break up this hap- 
py Union and protection rendered to each other in the league of 
friendship, I say then, if they could by any means break that 
cord of friendship that makes us the " strong man," then they 
might succeed in binding us in the manner I have been showing 
you ; ' and I am certain a deeper plan could not be laid to destroy 
the Government of the people, and bind us under Monarchical 
despotism. 

As it respects the principles of Abolitiou, let us next sec what 
good can be designed to the people of tlie South or gained by 
dissolving the Union. Under the law of the Ihiion, if a servant 
or person bound to service, shall escape or lice (o another State, 
that State is bound to deliver up such servant or person bound to 

IG 



122 

.. ^ 
service, to the cilizeii oi llic otiicr Stale : so that ihq iavvs oi tlic 

Constitution protect the citiSbn in his slave property in every State, 

whether it be \vhat is called a free or slave Slate, 

Now, if we mean to dissolve the Union, we would have no 
laws in those States to protect us, and if a servant was to go to 
those States, and they were to refuse to deliver up such servant^ 
could a citizen of a slave State raise an army to go after his ser- 
vant and take him by force. So we cannot better ourselves by 
dissolving the Union on that account, nor do I think g-ny sane 
man can think so. But as I have heard something said on that 
subject, it will, perhaps, be better to say a little more ; I have heard 
it said, that in one of those States, where it was thought wrong to 
possess slaves, that a certain individual had a servant to make his 
escape to one of those States ; the owner heard of his servant, 
went after him, found him in the streets of a certain city, laid hold 
on him, when a parcel of free negroes pelted him Vvdth brick-batSj 
and injured him so that he actually died ; the, offenders were tried 
for their lives but were acquitted by the jury, though otherwise 
instructed by the judge. This was an offence, and a very great 
one, and the jury done great injustice in their decision. This was 
not the fault of the law nor- the judge. This act was committed 
])y an unlav/ful mob, no doubt most of the jury might have been 
concerned^ it, but that does not say that the State countenanced 
such acts of violence, but on the contrary, the State, as far as she 
w^as concerned, done her duty 5 she had the offenders brought be- 
fore the proper trilDunals to punish them, which was all the State 
could or had a right to do. 

Let me now show where this citizen acted improperly, which 
placed him at the mercy of the mob, for although the Constitution 
provides that wherever a servant or person bound to service in one 
State, and shall escape or flee to another, tliey shall be bound to 
deliver up such servant or person bound to service ; but there is 
also provision made in the Constitution as to the manner in which 
individuals shall be put in possession of their property. They 
must prove that the property is theirs, and it is necessary to go to 
the proper authorities and have their property seized for them by 
officers of the State, and then the citizen runs no risk of being 
mobbed, and is protected both in his property and person. So thi^s 



#■ . 123 

-ioiy of the State failing' to do her duty, is a mere liviiuljug, just 
told to arouse the feehngs of tlie people of the South, to make 
ihem heheve the North would not comply with their contract with 
the South ; that they might the more easily he persuaded to draw 
up those resolutions, to give Congress the pretext to dissolve the 
Union. 

Since that speech was delivered at Abbeville C. H., I have seen 
in a paper an account of an mdividual, who had a servant to run 
away and get to the same place, if I mistake not, and that indi- 
vidual piirsued the course I have described, and was put in pos- 
session of his property, and also protected against the mob. This 
looks more like doing justice to the people than to tell a one-sided 
stoiy. 

The plan of Government recommended and explained by me^ 
creates no confusion, neither in a State, nor in the United States, 
and is the 07ily jilcm by Vv^hich order, peace, and security both of 
the lives, liberties, and property of the people can be preserved, and 
the State Right of each State be placed on an equal footing ; be- 
cause when the judges of the Supreme Court are made the lawful 
ar])iters either between the States and the United States, the 
agreement that existed between them, being in the Constitution, 
and they bound to decide by that agreement, it places all parties 
on an equal footing ; the small State would have as much power 
to protect herself in a court of law, as the large State. But if 
each State had the reght to decide for herself, and each State had 
to depend on herself to enforce her decision, the large State would 
have greatly the advantage over the smaller one. No equality 
could exist under any such a Government. Now the plan of Gov^- 
ervment being so very plain and easy to be understood, I see no 
reason why those judges should ^be objected to, as the lawful 
arbiters. Just start with the people, the true sovereigns, and take 
the Constitution as the agreement of each other. The people' 
of each State were to have the right of making all the laws to 
regulate the domestic affairs of and witliin their own State. No 
State had the power to make a law to extend into any other 
State, and Congress had not power to make any law to meddle 
with the domestic affairs of any State ; and, also, providing that 
each citizen should have free ingress and egress to and from all 



124 . ft 

the other States, and enjoy all tlie privileges and immunities of 
citizens of the same State ; and also, if a servant or person bound 
to service should escape and flee to any other State, tlie servant or 
person bound to service should be delivered up to their proper 
ovv^ners ; and Congress should have power to m.ake such laws and 
regulations as to the manner in which they should prove their pro- 
perty, and that these and all other laws made in pursuance of the 
Constitution should be the supreme law of the land. 

Nov/, where has any set of men or any government of people 
known any law enforced without judges to pronounce sentence 
against the offenders, before they had any power to annul or inflict 
punishment on the violator of that lav/, so that if the party ac- 
cused of an offence might be innocent, he v/ould have a chance to 
make his innocence appear and be acquitted, but if guilty, con- 
victed for his offence. The people of every State having given 
Congress power to ]nake certain laws, and prohibited her from 
luaking certain other lavrs. and placed the Legislature of eacli 
State under the Constitution of the same, as their power of attor- 
nej, to make certain laws, and in the same forbids them, or in 
other words, prcliibited them from making some laws expressed in 
the Constitution : and if they were to make or attempt to make 
laws contrar}^ to those laws, would it not be a very foolish set of 
people that would consent that they should be their own judges, 
and it should be as they pleased whether you should obey that law 
or not. Would it not seem more reasonable, if they w^ere acting 
under the authority of the people, that the people should have at 
least something to say about the matter ; and would it not seem 
reasonable that the people should have the right to refuse to obey 
suchlavvs, as they had no authority to pass, and to Iiave a court 
appointed to pronounce such luiauthorised act null and void, so 
that no law not authorised by themselves could be forced on them 
b)^ their agents. I think this would seem more likely to protect 
the citizen from being outlawed, than that the Legislature should 
decide for themselves. But it appears that this Legislature, wlio 
claims sovereign power over the people, that this Court would en- 
ter into the very essence of their sovereignty, and make it a mere 
bauble and name, and place the citizen in a situation of the Soj^- 
rei^n State Ris'kts themselves, and prevent them from placing 



125 

t.lieniiii a sllnaiioD. that tlicy woula have no course but lo obey. 
To siio^v tliat I'aiii not Riakiiig a new plan of proteclioii, I will 
cite the people to three or four cases, one was Mr. Moses Taggart 
of Abbeville District, who held the oflice of Ordinary, and Mr. 
James Wardlaw, who held the ofiice of Clerk of the Conrt of Ses- 
sions, both came into office when the law gave them the office du- 
ring pleasure or good behavior. The Legislatures, like the present, 
forgot they were the servants, at a certain time, and thought them- 
selves to be sovereigns, as sucli passed a law tliat all those persons. 
Clerk of the Court, and Ordinary, and also all those who held their 
offices in those offices, that they should be vacant and void, and 
others should be elected in their places ; and all elected after that, 
their term of office should expire at the end of four 3' ears. Many 
of those individuals who held an office in those places, not knowing 
their legal right to their offices, gave them up, not knowing that 
the Legislature had no power to impair the obhgation of contract. 
But Messrs. Taggart and Wardlaw, knowing the right of sovereign- 
ty belonged to the people, and knowing ■.their constitutional right, 
defended themselves against the a^ttempted usurpation of the sove- 
reignty of their agents, j-efused to obey the law passed by the Leg- 
islature and would not be outlawed. There the case was tested in 
the Constitutional Court, and they wei'e sustained in tliir offices, 
because those offices Vv^ere given to them, Vvdien the law gave them 
those offices during pleasure, or good behavior, and, a.s always 
discharged their offices faithfully and honorably, no one could im- 
peach them, nor turn them out of office. By some it was thought 
not to be a republican principle, but now their names will be re- 
corded in honor to tlie cause of repubhcan principles — laying down 
one of the niost important precepts to the people, and showing to 
the world, the true remedy against all unauthorised attempts on 
the part of legislation, either in the States, or in Congress. There 
may be mentioned two other cases of the same kind, where this 
great soveie'gn Legislature, under the ordinance, had adopted the 
oath to support and defend any act they might think proper to pass, 
and attempted to force that oath on the people. A citizen, who 
was elected into office l)y a majority of votes, denianded his com- 
mission, and came under the obligation of the oath of allegiance, 
'0 support and defend tlie constituled authority of the people, as 



126 

Uie Cuiislituiiou directs and required^ but would not lake the oath 
io support and defend any act tliey uiigbt tliiuk proper to ])ass. — 
Tiiey refused to give hiiii a connnission, he sued in the United- 
States Court for it, and the Court sustained hini. because he had 
taken the oath required by the people, in the Constitution, and no 
alteration had been made, as required by the Constitution, there- 
fore, the Judges decided that the act passed by the Legislature re- 
quiring any other oath than that constituted in the Constitution 
was null and void. This sovereign Legislature, like the Popexried 
aloud against those Judges, and told the people, that those Judges 
should be turned out of office — that they had decided dgainst the 
sovereignty of the State, when in reality, they had only decided 
against the unconstitutional law^ Vv'liic]i the Legislature had passed, 
for the purpose of outlawing the citizens of the sovereign rights, in 
order to establish their power over the constituted rights of the 
citizens, and place them in a situation that they would have no 
otlier course but to obey. Although in the Address accompanying 
the Ordinaiice, they said, they would not yield, nor submit to the 
decision of the constitutional court, for it Avould enter into the very 
essence of their sovereignty, and so it did. The court decided that 
the sovereignty belonged to the citizens, and not to the Legisla- 
tures — that the citizen vrho was elected ])y a majority of the votes 
of those who had the right to vote, and if he had taken the oath 
]"equired by the Constitution, he was entitled to the oiiice, This 
sovereign Legislature took care, wisely, to conform to the decision 
of the Court of the United States, And why? Because under 
the Constitution, the President was svvorn to see the laws of the 
Union faithfully executed, and he was made of the very stuff to 
have done it. They knew^ very well tlie physical power of the peo- 
ple of the whole United States, according to their own agreement 
in that league of friendship, in which they were bound to support 
and defend each other against any attack made on account of 
sovereignty. Novv^, this was a positive attack on account of sove- 
reignty, and the lawful arbiters had decided it to be so. The whole 
United States were bound to enforce the decision of those Judges, 
because it w^as an attack on account of sovereignty, and if this 
Legislature had resisted the decision of those Judges, they would 
have been guilty of treason, and open rebehon against the United 



idies, uiid would have !)ccii iicalcil as icbcls and oiitlaws, and 
this they knew. They did not atieiiipi to resist, but gave the 
citizen his connnission. This shows lio\v iaiportant it is for the 
people to have those lawiid arbiters, to decide fo];. and protect them 
in all their poutical and doiiiestic rights. It is the only legal jjlao 
which could be adopted il]at^^oldd be proper to combine adi tiieii 
physical power, to protect them from any attack that might be 
made against them, by or through their agents. 

Thus, I will show^ at once, the great importance of a general 
Union of all the States, for these pohticians, by pretending their 
object was to reduce the tariff, had deceived a majority of the pec - 
pie of this State so far, that a large numl^er said tliey would sup- 
port them, right or wrong. This no doubt, they had taiight them 
to say, but I am snre, if they had understood their o]>ject as well 
as I did, no man, wdio had one drop of republican blood in his 
veins, Avould liave supported them. If the people were stcre they 
were trying intentionally to destroy the Government of the people, 
I am very sure, whether they are doing it intentionally, or through 
error of their judgment, a stronger plan cannot be laid or fixed to 
destroy the constituted authority and Government of the people, 
than the whole plan and policies they have adopted* No safety 
could exist, nor order be preserved under any such a plan and poli- 
cy as they have recommended. The whole plan laid by them, is 
to derange all the stability and order of the Constitutions and pro- 
tection secui-ed to the people in their Constitution. 

Now, you may see how important it is to have a general Union^ 
even in this case, for when there was an unlawful conibination in 
a State, to outlaw the citizens of their constituted rights, by their 
being deceived by false names, such as State Rights, Vhen it was 
Legislative Rights, so that it would require the half, or more of 
the people of their own State to put down such imiawful combina- 
tion, then they appeal to the lawful arbiters to decide for them, and 
if the Judges and jury decide in llivor of the citizen, the whole 
United States is bound to protect that citizen. This is the way- 
each citizen can claim his right, and lay the wliole United States 
under ol^ligation to protect him. 

You see, now, that the citizen who acted alone in resisting'tlic 
uncon.stitu.tional Icxw of (hose sovcreigu FiCgislators, took the right 



12S 

plan to resist iL iipis to outlaw^ the people ; and by tiiat one 

act, (lone nioic ^o^.^:, ciid had more pov/er over their unauthorised 
acts, than all the speeches delivered against them, for it brought 
them to order at once, and, therefore, this still establishes the 
principles, that I have been from the first, attempting to establish^ 
making the citizens the true sovej'eigns under the Union, and each 
citizen's power equal to that of a Kiog, in place of giving the Leg- 
islature absolute control over both their lives, liberty and property^ 
as they have claimed, and are now attempting to establish over 
tlie people. This Legislature complains very much against those 
Judges, for they entered right into the very essence of their sovere- 
ignty, and decidtjd in favor of the sovereignty of the people, instead 
of giving the sovereign power to them, and makes their sovereign- 
ty a mere bauble and a. name. They likewise complain a great 
deal about the /or ^c o/Z/, and some called it the bloody bill, and 
said it was giving Gen. Jackson ail the power. I asked a great 
many of the friends of those sovereign Legislators, what the powers 
were, that were given to Gen. Jackson I all the ansvv^er I could get 
from them, was : '' lliat Congress had giveiitiiu all tlie poicer.'''' 
I asked tliem to name only one expressed power Congress had 
given him, they could not even tell me that. This shovv's how far 
people may be led, when they give up their own faculties of reason 
to otliers, and take it for granted every thing their deceivers say, 
is true ; they have frequently asked me if I was in favor of the 
force hill. I told them I could not say whether I would be or not 
until I knev/ what the bill v/as that Congress had passed. And 
l)ehold ! when I came to see the bill, it was the very one Congress 
should and was bound by the constituted authority of the people, 
and were cohipelled by their oaths to pass. Part of the bill provided 
for the collection of the revenue required by the Constitution ; and 
had provided Congress to make ail laws necessary to carry into 
effect all lavv^s authorised by the Constitution. And the Constitu- 
tion gave the power to Congress to lay and collect taxes, duties, im- 
posts and excises to pay the debts and provide for the common 
defence and general welfare of the United States. But all duties, 
imposts and exises shall be uniform throughout the United States. 
In another place of the Constitution, it provides, that no article 
sihall enter free in one port and pay a duty in another. 



129 

Hiis Leg-jslatare attempted to stop Congress from collecting 
those duties which the people had, under their constituted authori- 
ty, commanded and required them to do, hy saying no duties 
should be paid at Charleston. If their acts had been constitu- 
tional, why did they call the bill passed b)/ Jackson a bloody bill, 
for when I came to see the bill it read to this import : " Whenever 
any unlawful construction or combination shall arise or originate 
to prevent the officers of the State or of the United States from 
executing the legal authority of their offices, and this unlawful 
coml^ination shall be too great to be overcome by the civil processes 
of the law, it shall be the duty of the President, and he sliall have 
power to call forth as many both by land and sea, as will put 
down such unlavv^ful combinations." 

Now, you see, tliis threat was not against a lawful combination, 
but against an milawful combination. They said they were act- 
ing in accordance vv^ith the constitution ; if they were, why should 
thev be alarmed at such a law, for if their course had been lawful 
and legal, according to the principles of the constitution, they 
might have looked on the law as their protector. But, of coursCj^ 
if they knew they were acting contrary to the constituted au- 
thority of the people, and had no legal authority for what they 
were doing, the law would be against them, for they knew very 
well they were an unlawful combination acting against the au- 
thority of the people ; and they saw this law, like the decision of 
the judges, would destroy their sovereign power, which they at- 
tempted to establish over the people. 

It is evident their acts were unconstitutional, for Congress has 
the power from under the authority of the people, to lay duties 
and excises to defray the expenses of government. At the time 
they declared no taxes should be paid in the port of Cliarleston, 
the United States was still in debt, and all the revenue then col- 
lecting was actually needed to meet the wants of government — 
they knew this. They knew their proceedings were unlawful 
and that the law provided by Congress was constitutional, and 
would be sustained by the constitutional court ; and that the peo- 
ple of all the States were bound by their own honorable obligation 
to each oilier^ to sustain the decivsion of those judjTcs. 

17 



130 

Now, ii a paicei oi horse Ihievcs were to conibiiie fo steal 
horses, and see a law passed, (hat all peisojis who should steal 
horses should be lianged, wliy they would liave a right to say^ 
why, that is a bloody bill ! because they intended to steal horses. 
But suppose an honest man was to read the same law. vxdio ncvei' 
intended to steal horses, but was glad to see such a law, one that 
would protect him against those thieves, he vv^ould say, this is no 
bloody Ijill to me, 1 am glad there is such laws made to punish 
such offenders. This was the case with those politicians, they 
knew they were doing wrong, and attempting to prevent the Gov^ 
ernment of the pco}3le h-om carrying out the constituted authori- 
ties, and endeavoring to dissolve the Union — the ver}' basis and 
principle upon vrbicli the auijiority of the people stands — and 
they had attempted to outlaw and prevent them from having any 
protection, either through the State or United States: and also 
attempted to place them in a situation that they v\'ould ])e com- 
pelled to act against their ovrn constituted authorities. This I 
will prove both by the Ordinance and the Act passed by the Le^- 
■islature in pursuance thereof Vv^here tliey provided, that in no case 
wherein shall l)e drawn in question the authorit}^ of this Ordinance 
or any act passed in pursuance of tlie same, no appeal or copy of 
appeal shall be allowed to the Supreiiie Court of the United States, 
nor copy of the records be permitted or allowed. And if any ap- 
peal or attempt of appeal hy any person shall be attempted, the 
person attempting to take such appeal, shall l^e dealt with as for 
contempt of the court, that is, punished in whatever manner the 
court might think proper. And, then further provided, that in no 
case wherein should be called in question the paithority of this act, 
or any act passed by the L^egislature, that no judge nor jury should 
be pennitted to sit on the trial, unless they would take an oath 
that they v/ould well and truly chej. execute and enforce the Or- 
dmance and Vvdiatever act or acts the Uegislatiire would pass to 
the full extent and true meaning of the same. ?^'ow, yon see, the 
Ordinance had outlavv^ed the citizens of this Siate from any pro- 
tection under the constituted authority botli of the State and of 
the United States. They vrere denied tlie right of having any 
hearing in the United Stales against any act the Legislature might 
pass. And if the citizen disputed their authority or that of the 



131 

iJrtliuancCj they were iioi allowed aii}^ heaiiiig ib the Courts of 
this State, unless judge and juiy were bound by an oath to decide 
for them and against the citizen^ who might dare to dispute their 
authority. 

If these principles give liberty to the -citizens of any country, I 
must acknowledge that I am a stranger to what lil^erty or protec- 
lion is to the people, but it really gives the sovereign Legislators 
just the liberty they have claimed in the Address accompai:iying 
the Ordinance, 

The next law conipiained of by those politicians, as the force 
bill, was, Congress provided and made a law that wherever a citi- 
zen was entitled to a liearing in the (^^'ourt of the United States, 
and ap})lied for an Dppcai or copy of an appeal in the manner 
required by law, and sliould be refused an appeal or copy of an 
appeal, by his coming foiward and making affidavit, that he had 
apphed for an appeal, and had been refused an appeal or copy of 
an appeal, that he or his attorney sliould have his case entered on 
die docket and be entitled to a hearing in that Court, the same as 
though he had obtained an appeal or copy of an appeal. 

Now, you see, tiiis iavv^ of Cong]"ess, so much complained of, 
Avas only protecting' the citizen, in what was his legal right, se- 
cured in the Constiluiion, hoai which those Soutliern politicians 
had outlawed tliem. dahI was oniy fuiiilling their duties, required 
by the Conslitiulon of ilic United States, wiiere it provides that 
Congress shall guaraiiiec to cacii. State a fj-ee republican form of 
government, and ihey oiih pro\'ided a law to protect the citizen 
froin being outlaw cd ;..5ia iH^orived of tlieir hberties aiid privile- 
ges. Thi:r is wiial lh,iy called the force bill. This explana- 
tion c- ■ -iuhhi n;f the bloody and force bill Now 
tlie Cl i ■•_. _ _ _. ;h C/a;:eiii]a say^ : that all power is origin- 
ally ve:^led ui tlie people, aiid all free Coverniiienis are founded 
on their authority, a ad :i.c ;!»;:iiiuled for tJieir pciice, safety,' and 
happiness. Out those :< ;! Hi /inns arc trying \'ery hard to explain 
that part of tlie CotisiLlulioii avvay, by the constructions j)laced on 
it, in their address botii to this State and tlie United States, by 
trying to explain that all ihc i)o\ver orcfoveinment v.as originally 
vested in ihe Legislative audioiity. I'lial is the ground of argu- 
i^icnt i.)etwec)? ???c am! fftr.'n. Tkcir argument goes on (o carry 



132 

out a policy and plan of government to secitre all power in the 
hands of tlie Ijegislature. My policy and plan of government is 
to secure all the pov/er of government to the people. They give 
the Legislature all the power any King, Prince or Potentate ever 
had. I contend to fix a policy and plan of government to secure 
to the people all the power any King, Prince or Potentate ever had. 
For farther proof of what I have attempted to sliow^ to the peo- 
ple, I will refer my reader to an Ordinance, (Statutes at Large of 
South Carolina, page 400) which shows more fully the powers con- 
veyed by the Ordinance to the Legislature of the State of South 
Carolina. As they acknowledge that the powxr they claim is not 
deiived from the Constitution, but is an inherent right, I wish to 
show the people how, when and where they inherited this right. 
All such rights they ever did inherit, was fust in the Ordinance, 
and in such Acts of the Legislature, passing and making laws in 
pursuance of this Ordinance. This is the reason that their object 
is to change the oath of allegiance, to support and defend the Or- 
dinance and w4iatever act the Legislature might pass in pursuance 
thereof. That Ordinance placed the Legislature under no obhga- 
tion, only their own will to the people, leaving them at liberty to 
pass whatever laws they might think proper, but binding every 
man in office to support and defend any act they might pass ; and 
also, binding judges and juries to do the same. This Ordinance 
also gives the Legislature power to prescribe what manner of oaths 
til ey may from time to time think proper — abjuring all allegiance, by 
the citizens, to any other than themselves, althougli in this case 
they call themselves the Slate. They begin the Ordinance Avitli : 
" We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention 
assembled, do Declare and Ordain^ that the Act of the Congress 
of the United States, entitled ' an Act farther to provide for the 
collection of duties on imposts,' approved the 2d day of March, 
1833, is unauthorised by the Constitution of the United States, 
subversive of that Constitution, and destructive of public liberty, 
and that the same is, and shall be deemed null and void, Avithin 
the limits of this State." Now if the collection of the revenue, was 
null and void in this State by the Acts of the Legislature of this 
State, agreeable to the Constitution of the United States, it must, 
t)f course, be null and void all over the United States, for the Con- 



stiiiitiou says: no aiticle sliall eirier free in one pori, aiul pay a 
duty in another. This would place the collection of duties at the; 
pleasure or disposal of any State, which would place the people's 
Government not under their own control, but under that of the 
Legislatures of the States, and would throw the Government un- 
der such a confused and unsettled condition, that no Government 
could remain long under supli a policy. It goes on then, and says : 
'' And it shall be the duty of the Legislature, at such times as they 
may deem expedient, to adopt such measures and pass such acts 
as may be necessary to prevent the enforcement thereof, and to in- 
flict proper penalties on any person who sliall do any act in execu- 
tion or enforcement of the same, within the limits of tliis State." 
This part of the Ordinance is giving the Legislature of this State 
the power to provide punishments on any citizen who would dai-e 
to assist or aid in collecting the revenue of the United States, vv^liich 
they themselves, under the constituted authorities, Iiad autliorised 
Congress to collect, for the purpose of honorably defraying the ne- 
cessary expenses of Gov^ernment. But those sov^ereign Legislators 
say : no such duty shall be paid. This Ordinance is giving power 
and directs their attention to the providing penalties and punish- 
ment of the' people, if they assist or attempt to assist in collecting 
such revenue, assuming the power of a King — making them- 
selves tiieir OAvn judges, and throwing aside the decision of tlie 
lawful arbitei-s, to whom the people had assigned the right of de- 
ciding ail disputes that might arise under this Constitution. TJicy 
go on again and say : " We do father ordaiu\md cicclare, that the 
allegiance of the citizens of this State, while they continue sucJi, is 
due to the said State." Or I might have said dim to tlie Le^^'isla- 
ture of the said State, " And that obedience only, and not alle- 
giance, is due by them to any otlier power or authority, to whom, 
a control over them has been, or may be delegated by the State." 
You will see, in all places of this Ordinance and acts of those 
sovereign Legislatures, they represent the citizens as being under 
some other authority, than tliat of their own, wliich is the very 
reverse of what I am contending for. Obedience is tlie great 
liberty tliey promised under tlie ordinances and acts of (liis Legis- 
lature, it tlien goes on to say: '-To whom control has, or niay be 
delegated by the State, (or in other words hy tlic Legislature) aud 



134 

General Asseiiibly of ihesaul Slate, is lietci>j eiujiowcrcd. froivi (liue 
to time; when tlicy may deem it, proper, to iHovide for the adminis- 
tration to the citizens and ofiicers of the State, or sncii of tiie said 
offices as they may tliink fit. of suitable oaths, or aflirmations. bind- 
ing them to the observance of such allegiance, and abjuring all 
other allegiance, and also, to define wi^at shall amount to a viola- 
tion of their allegiance, and to provide die proper punishment for 
snch violation." 

You see this ordinance has given tlic sovereign liCgislature of 
this State, the power to bind the eii izens of this State under what- 
ever oath of allegiance they think proper: and also, ^ gives the 
Legislature the power to pass lavv^s to piuiish the citizens in what- 
ever manner they thmk proper, if he refuses to come under snch 
allegiance as tliey sliall prescribe from time to time, and hi what 
manner they maj^ tliink proper: also, gives them tJie power to 
define what shall ainount to a violation of their allegiance, and 
also the punishment of the same. 

You see, this Ordinance has given the Legislature of this State 
all the pov/er any Prince or Potentate ever possessed — it gives them 
povvxr to require the oath of allegiance from the citizens and offi- 
cers, just such oaths as they might think proper, Vvhich is all any 
King or Pope could do — to define vrhat should amount to a vio- 
lation against the Legislature, and what the proper pifuisjunent 
should be to inilict on the ciiizens. Accordingly, sure enough, they 
iiad the impudence to provide a bill denning the punishment of 
treason against the State, which vx'as tliis : if an\' spoke against 
any act the Legislature should pass, or resist them in any m?tnner 
whatever, tiie penalty should L^e deatii, vrithout the benefit of the 
Clergy, \\ hich means Vvdthout any cliance of being ]-eprieved. 

This is the great principle of this great Goddess Nullification — 
State Right — State Iiiterposidon— Counter-Legiskuion of Soiiih 
Carolina. The only Xuliilication I can see hi their whole pro- 
ceedings, is to iiullily e\ery liljerLy, privilege, and protection, the 
citizens have secured to themselves, under their Government of 
principles, contained in both the Constitutioii of the States and of tlic 
United States, as 1 have already shov^^i. You will see, hke the 
Pope, they claim the right under this ordinance, abjure ail other 
allegiance from every citizen v/hatevei-. only ihal allegiance ihc^ 



icquiic io ilicjiisclvos. Tlicy aUciupUd tonuuvo n iau ih'ii !{"anv 
one should speak again^:t any law lUoLc<;ir;iat5!rc |)as;^ed, or rcsisj 
it in any manner whatovcj', ilio pciiaiiy shoiikl he (feadi. without 
a chance of beino' reprievv-d. Tliis vras cerlainlv dcpriviir*'^ ihe 
people of (he IVecdci;^ v^ y\:Qcdi and liberty of the press. 

As there have been umd) said l)y tliis State llight of South. 
r'arolina, about the I'nited States Government being an miion of 
States and not of individuals, and as a great njan}7 people liavc 
been led astray i)y false ai'giinients on this subject, I will endeavor 
to sho\y that, although it v/as an union of States, that it was also 
an union of individuals aiXgregately. Ills true, wdienwx formed 
the general Union, vrc ciiiered it by States, for before the general 
I iuion, the people were acting uuder the protection of the laws of 
(lieir ovrn State Constitutions, the people of all the States had not 
laid themselves under any legal oijligation to protect one anotliei'; 
only to the extent and boundary of their own State, and in that 
situation w^ould not have been in any better condition than the 
Heathen Cliiefs — having no lawful remedy to settle disputes, and 
would be in ^reat danger of getting into ccintentions, that would 
cause war jjctween us and be continually destroying both life and 
property, and instead of beiug a protection and defence to each 
other, we would onl}^ he the means of destroying each others hap- 
piness and safety, therefore, seeing the great necessity of forming 
somic plan under Vv^hicli w^e, the people, could all become united — 
a plan i^y wdiich w^e could come under some legal agreement, to 
protect and defend each otiier, t^oth in life, liberty and property, to 
(he extent of the United States or territories, for ^ that p>urposc 
the principles of the Constitution of tlie United States was drawn 
up, show^ing and laying down wdiat obligations the people of all 
the Stales, w^ho w^ould unite, sliould be bound to protect and de- 
fend cacli other. Those principles v\-ere drawn up wdth great care 
and wdsdom, and w^ere ■ ' u^ each State sepcratciy, wdiether 

they w^ould come under / . ;: ol)!i;(.:iiion or not, and the peo- 

ple, ])y t])eir ag'^iits, could comply or not, wlncli they pleased, but 
whenever they did eonsoiVt it wr^ e?i ?iiassc, and whether many or 
few, they came inSo ihe I'iiioii aggregately, ngn^eing to protect 
and defeud ea< b otficr ne.'i^rdiijg to I lie piiiiciple:-; contained in (he 
' 'onc'tilution And. wiiclh-cr (here vras' mauv or few in (he State. 



i:i6 

whenevci lliey coiiseiited to pioieci and defend eaeli otlierj ail so 
consenting were, according to those principles contained in the 
Constitution of the United States, bound together as one man, 
and would make our Government an union of individuals and not 
of Legislatures^ as those politicians have been attempting to ex- 
plain. 

Since so many schemes have been devised to the people, by 
lliesc great advocates of legislative authority over their lives, liber- 
ty and property, let us examine their plans and policies under what 
they call Stat3 Right, also the policy and plan of Abolitionism in 
some of the Northern States, and see whether any better plan 
could be devised than has been adopted by this State plan called 
Nullification, under the pretence of nullifying an act of Congress, 
a,t the time they pronounced the port of Charleston free of dut}^ 
They then provided laws, under the authority of the Ordinance, 
"ihat if any ofiicer or citizen of this State aided or assisted in col- 
lecting revenue, they were to be fined and imprisoned, and pun- 
ished in a very cruel manner — that a State had a right to decide 
for herself vrliether slie had done right or wrong. This appears to 
be the Scime course some of the restricted States are taking in re- 
gard to our slave property, making laws to punish any officer or 
I'itizen who ma}- attempt to aid or assist the owner to I'ecover his 
slave. We know this is a strict violation of the Constitution, but 
suppose we dispute with that State about our rights, she has a 
rio-ht to decide for herself, and there could be no court found suffi- 
ciently impartial to decide against her sovereignty, and Ave could 
have no means by which we could coerce her to abide by her 
agreements, when she entered the Union. If this was the plan of 
the Union, what would it be v/orth to us, — where would be the use 
of binding any man or set of men in any contract, if that con- 
tract could not be enforced. I have before shown that the object 
of union was to combine the physical power of the people, thai 
they could enforce the obedience of those who should resist the 
authority the}^ have established, by which to be ruled and govern- 
cc\ Gen. Jackson had spirit and courage, yet prudence enough, to 
shew this great Legislature of South Carolina, that he would sec 
lliat the laws of the Ihiion should be faithfully executed, and soon 
made them submit. They pretended it was on account of the 



in;)roiriis!^ hiil :i bad OaCUso, I liavo hcai-(! saiil Was hclUn" than 



t 



noiu\ Tlic revenue wa^s still colleeted; williout, any of tlicin cveC 
.I'JempUiig" to prevent it. 

I liope Preside] it Taylor will he as pfompt in puttiui:^ down 
((lose same fanatics of those restricted States, who have denied 
themselves those privileges allowed l)v' CJod himself, and trying" to 
rob tlic jTcople of other States of their riglits under the name of 
law, and forfeiting their high and honorable obligations to tlic 
lialancc of the Union. 

I think it has now become lioth the duty, and interest of every 
man. who tliinks himself worthy of tlic name of a republican, to 
put down all tJjose politicians. avIio advocate any such principles as 
I he abolitionists, or the plan described by (Jiose of South Carolina 
railed Nullilicrs — compare the two principles., and the}" are botli 
u]3on the same plan. A better plan to destroy our Republicaii 
(lovcrnment, andpi-oinotc those princi])les of Al)olition, could not 
be devised, than the Nullification principles of South Carolina. — ^ 
Accoi'ding to that plan, the}' were to lie their own judges, ^^■henever 
they thouglit proper to act in their State. Tlic same prhiciples are 
acted upon and claimed ])}~ the abolitionists, and that plan of itselQ 
woiild destroy any Union tliat could exist. All these look very 
much like they were acting in. concert — that the abolitionists arc 
acting their pait at the North, and the nullifiers theii' part at tlie 
South. But it seems that their plan goes on to nullify the people 
out of both liberty and propcrt}', and even threatens them if they 
speak against any act they pass the penalty shall be death— all 
through Legislative authority— for the al)olitionists claim, through, 
the legislation, of ('ongress,'"t]ie control over slave pro|)er1y. l)othas 
to tlie right of takiiic^- it away, and restricting us in the liberty of 
taking them witli usto tlic territories. This Nullification principle, 
of South Carolina claims lor the i/egis]a{ur(M)r( lie State, theabso- 
bite control over the life, liberi}" and property of the ])cople. 'J'hey 
<daim even, niorc tlian tlie abolitionist,s, for they, only through the 
] legislative powei-, claim the light to take away oiu* slave pro|)el•t^■, 
but the other claim the a])sohil,e control over boili tll(^ li\ es, libeitVt 
and property. So (he one is bad. and (lu^. ollx^r is worse. 

! claim foiliie people a go\(a-nn)ent of piinciples, wliich 1 have 
before shown, and (hat (hos(> prin<ap!es ar-e. above all niajoritii^s — 

I S 



13S 

that no iilaiority. it it was c\'|ry incnibor of tii:^ hndy. cither Coil^ 
gress. or the State Legislature vv'ith the Executive's name ^anctioii- 
iug" the act passed, has the power to constitute it a law. nor inakf^ 
it hinding on the people, unless it is in accordance \yith the princi- 
ples of the Constitution. This plan places tlie people under a plan 
of Governinent. that they can i3e safe, and secure, in their persons, 
papers, and effects. I think their pla,n would majvc us very unsafe. 
It is high time. I think, that the people ]>ot]i of tlie Soutli anci 
North would begin to act and think for themselves, and put down 
the fanatics, both of the North and- South. And should men or 
politicians either attempt to resist the protections the Constitution 
iias secured to \is, that the South and North shcnild give their aid: 
and assistance to enforce the lav>\s of the Union against them, and 
punish them as their crime deserves. 

Tliose southern politicians tried to make the people believe tliat, 
by desolving the Union, we would hcive free trade, did the}^ think 
the people would be simple enough to believe such stuff .^ If it 
should be the case, we would have to la}' direct taxes on the people 
or all the officers would have to support themselves and serve us 
for nothing. The question is. would men be willing to serve as 
President, at their own expense and keep as expensive a table as 
is usual; to accommodate i'riends and ministers, v\ho would come 
to engage in commercial isitercourse with ns. or would Congress 
serve us for nothing — would any body build us a United States- 
House for nothing — would ministers go to a foreign nation, to treat 
on terms of commercial intercourse, for noticing — would an}^ one 
build us shipping to keep up a navy on sea,- to protect commerce 
safe to and from us — would vre he furuished with arms and tim- 
munition Vvithout pay— would any set of men arm and equip 
themselves, build fortifications, and keep a proper guard to protect 
us against any undue attack made a2:ainst us by au enemy, all at 
their ovvm expense, and hundreds of other similar expenses, which 
the necessary wants of Government require ? When we can find 
all those things done for nothing, then we may really expect free; 
trade, but not until then. But I Avill tell the people, even if vre 
could live under the same repiiblican foim of goverament, that 
we now live under, and could preserve friendship between the tAvo 
republics, we woidd have to pay just double the tariff we do ai 



present, tbr it woultl co^t eiicli Cbveriiiiieni as iiuich tu dcfra}'' its 
expen^sBJ sepc'iate, as ii woLiid cost all of us to support the present 
Governmeiit. My advice to tlie peoi3le, there fore, both North and 
South is, to 6'^ic/j together and conipiy with aii the obhgations we 
have laid down over oiirseh'es in the CoiistitulioU; and not be led 
by such pohticians either North or Soutii any longer ; and sucii 
as do not acknowledge tiieir error, do not elect one of them to of- 
fice until he does. 

And to sliovr you Vvdiat barefaced deception they can use, I will 
cite my reader to some of (heir expressions contained in the Ad- 
dress to the People, or as they- term it, to tlie 8tate at large, on 
page 306, (Statutes at Lyarge of South Carolina.) "When one of 
the earlier Presidciits suppo.jed that he had detected a plan of dis- 
organization in the unrestrained freedom of speech and the press — 
he procured from a subservient Congress a law to assist him in the 
exercise of his high and sacred duties — but both he and the 
law were swept away by tlie indignation ol the country. Those 
who^ have once experienced the benciits of free discussion will 
never consent to forego tliem.'^ 

They here condemned that President and members of Congress 
for attempting to prevent the freedom of speech cmd press freely, 
arid turn right aroiind, a,nd partly in the same breath, attempt to 
make a lavv^ to punish with death, any individual wlio would either 
speak against any law the}^ migiit tlimk proper to pass, or resist it 
in any maimer, without the chance of bemg reprieved, They 
f jund a great deal of fault to the North, and said they were runmng 
their hands into jthe people's pockets antl takiijg their money away 
from them by the tariff, and exclaimed dreadfully against them for 
their usurpation of the people's rights. And at, or about the same 
thne, made a present of fifty thousand dollars with interest on the 
same, Vvdhch perhaps, made seventy-five thousand to Mr. PIenry 
Shultz, which was in reahty the people's money, and w'hich they 
had no more right to handle, than I It ad to make v*dio I might 
think proper, President, except what right the Ordinance gives 
them ; and they were beginning to act in accordance with the 
powers conveyed, under whicli they had the inherent right over 
the lives, liberty and property of the people. It may, perhaps, be 
again necessary to say something about another Ordinance (page 
390 Statute at Lai-ge of Soutli Carolina ) which says; 



140 

^- It is tJicrvforc orihiintd ami f/er/c/yrJ, That (he ( Jiuuianct? 
adopted by tlie convciition on tlic 2ilh day of No\cihcr last, v\\\\- 
tied 'An Ordmance to ?sullify certain act ;s of tlie Congi-css ol' the 
United States, purporting to be laws, lading duties on tlie inporla- 
lijn of foreign coniniodities/ and aii acts passed by tiie General 
Assembly of this State, in ])ursuance thereof, be lienceforth deemed 
and held to have no force nor eliect: Provided. That the act en- 
titled 'An act farther to alter and amend the Militia laws of (Ids 
State,' passed by the Gieneral Assembly of t] lis State, on tlie 2(]th 
day of December, 1832, shall remain in force, until it siiall be re- 
pealed or modified by the Legislature."' 

A'oii see they pretend to repeal all tlie Ordinances, except the 
Military, which provided tJiat there should be no appeal from their 
decision, that they might still keep that law in reserve, so that they 
would be able through tliat court, to enforce any law they might 
think proper to ])ass against the liberties and jjrivilegx^s of the peo- 
]jle. And to show the people that the j^lan and scheme devised 
l^y tliose politicians to overthrow the Government — that they have 
not relinquished sucli intentions at tlie time they withdrew in part, 
tlie proceedings of their ordinance, and to show that I am correct 
in my ^'iews. that their sole object is to destroy the Government of 
the people, for some purpose or another, perhaps for the purposes 
I have described, to bring us under the Government of England, 
that they may get the government of a territory settled on them 
for life, and their children after them fore\'er. If such a system of 
government was esta])lishetl over the people, they would have to 
keep up a large lifo-guard to protect them horn being killed. . The 
}ieople would have to pay either by direct tax or by revenue col- 
lected from foreign importation to keep up a great royal treasure 
in the liands of those who would receive the government of those 
territories, and also money sufiicient to pay high wages Ibr the 
support of those life-guards to keep the people in bondage. Be- 
sides this, it would be England that would ha\-e the right to say 
where you should trade, or v/hethcr you should l)e at liberty to 
trade anywhere or not. It vrould not be like the government of 
jirinciplcs, we, thejjeople of the United States have secured to our- 
selves, with the privilege of trading to eveiy nation on the ^\■hole 
face of the glob.c, and sending our ministci's (o juakc and secure a 



in 

coiUiUiMcial iiUciconisc oi) ilic (k'>( u'liii..-, (>;).>sil)lv\ 'riKiUu'auti 
I'ul order of lliiii^s. iimlcr lliis ordiiiuiccj would be (•'ian:';e(l. m\d 
W'lieiv woulil be tlie iVce trade proiuLsed us, v\heii we would l)e 
l)i-oui^-IU Uiidor the control of Ej);;daiid. UiVder tlie ^^•o\ eruiiieut of 
those Territorial Governors, we iuigiit all be proJiibiL(>d froru lrad(3: 
and taxed so liigli to keep up all tliase royal oliicors tbat we could 
not pay tliein, they inig"ht sell our lands and buy theui in, and 
soon put themselves in ])Ossessiou of wIkU, tb(>y jiave- l)een claini^ 
ing. tliat is. the absolute control over bath the li\es, lil)erty aud 
property of the people. 

To sbow that they are d(;terniined to carry out and esial^lLs]? 
this Legislative authority over tise }ieople, which 1 have des(ail)ed 
luidertlie Ordinance, (page 399, Statutes at Large of South Car(j- 
lina.) where' the address to the State at large is expressed iu tbese 
words : --The firnniess of the State seems, at length, iu souse de- 
i^'ree, to have triunuvhed. But let it be recollected that the mc- 
juent of triumph is coimnonly one of danger. Let it be kept in 
mind, that this is not a contest ended, hut a contest not more tlian 
begun, and not to l)e determined till this Act shall cease to dis- 
grace the Statute Book."' Now you see that this is the principle 
and policy of Go\'ermnent which the\' liave attempted to establish 
over the people, and bring them in bondage. , 

They acknowledge themsidves, t!iat tlie proceedings imder the 
authority of the ordinance, were only a commencement for tlie 
purpose of establishing tJieir autliority over the lives, li!)erty and 
])roperty of the people. "You may se(\ tliey aie still carrying on 
their plan. The dela}^ from attemi)ting any faither proceedings- 
since 1833, seems to have been for the purpose of foruiing a stronger 
combination on their side. 1 suppos(^ tliey inuigiued that, because 
the people had ceased to sa,}^ nuicli. on the subject, and tliat uone 
of their friends had been so disgraced, but that the j)eoj)le appeared 
still to have coniidence in theui, electing them to office as foriumiy, 
l)elicving under thos(3 circumstances that the people cinised to sus- 
pect any bad design on tlieir part. As they, perhaps, thought this 
nhght he the proper time to act, tlu'y present to the people the de- 
signs of Congrc^ss to lake irom theiu their Southeru Rights, both by 
the tariff and abolition, and iu [jroofofwhat the\ sa\. call ihiMr 
attention, to the Wilmot Proviso. M'heu uitDo.-.i' iIuU ilToiv^ress 



Ii2 

slioLiU pass sLich a Li\\\ \vc iiui^^l wUiidrLiw IVoiii tlu; I iiiuii. as if 
llial would olj any roiiijJy : if \vc \vc.v la withdraw li-oiii the Union, 
woiiid that give ui a bcit.'.- title to any tcnitory, or would it place 
the other States under- more obligation to protect om Seuthern 
Rights and Instltiieions? I think every citizen, wlio will take the 
ttouble to exaniiiie the matter tairly, and exercise his rt;asoning 
faculties, will at once say jio. 8ucli a course vrould be the very 
reverse, we v.oald place ourselves in a situation, that we .vrould 
have no right to any part of the Territor^^ Ail those Territories 
belong already to the people of the United States, and while we 
remain iii the Union, we are a part of the United States, and 
have an equal right and intercot in every Territory acquired either 
by purchase or conquest, if we witlidraw ironj this Government, 
we would be out of all G jvermnents and could have *no right to 
any Territory. Also the other States would not be bound to prc^ 
tect us eitlier in our domestic or moral rigiits In place ofgauhng 
any protection by withdrawing from the Union it- would be the 
very reverse. 1'his seems to me so plain and evident to any maii 
of intellect, that no man of good sense could propose such a plan, 
as a remedy, wdthout having some other designs than those prc- 
fessed. Their object must certainly be to dissolve the Union, and 
destroy tlie Government of the people. A^ou see the deep . scheme 
that is laid, how they have adopted a plan over all th» Southern 
iStates, and have secured friends in every State to act in 'concert 
with them, to have resolutions drawn up, pu '"porting to be the 
unanimous voice of the people of all the Southern States. So that 
if Cgngress, or the members from the Southern States, were to at- 
tempt withdrawing from the Union, they would have those resolu^ 
tions in writing, purporting to be the unanimous voice of the peo- 
ple — that the}^ might have the pretext in writing, and say, tli^ey 
were acting under the authority of the people. As far as X know 
the voice of the people, there is not one man, who would consent to 
a dissclution of the Union. This is the plan now adopted by those 
politicians, who are claiining tlie absolute control over both the 
lives, hberties and property of the people. The Urst plan they tried 
to throw the people out of the Union, w^as tln-ough the authority of 
the Ordinance, confining their plan and experiment to one Stato. 
They are now attcnr^tinf^ ta act uoon all the Southern States at 



0iiC(^. so tint th^v i!in ?jro\v c^v^zi'^': pl\y-lc:\l i\):r- i^r;:cihcr, cnJ 
Ijy that iiioai>.s force all th*^ poonle oiit of i'ic ('ONeiiisneiit, \vlioar<5 
tiot \viiliii7: tdgf") om. : so -hat thoyraii u^rr-' liial [;laii and policy 
ot" Govoniineiit, over the poopio, -vvhioh v,ill place tlu^m in a sitiia-- 
iioii that they will have no corji'sc bvit o'^e'lieiice. i"o(i will see?- 
Ui the axis of the Legislatrire, wliefe they iiiadclaws in purs',ia}n:c 
of the Ordijiance : Vae first thing* tlipy ciid was to appoint oilicers, 
swearinii' tlieni to support aiid defend tliat Oi'di;iaiiC'\ and whatever 
act the Legislature Wottld pass, leaving it at the discretion of the 
Legislature to pass vrhateverlaw they might think proper, the same 
as any Prince or Potentate, and provide laws to punish in what 
manner they might think fit, slioidd the people speak against, or 
resist any act they thoH2;i!t pro])er to pass, tlie penalty they at- 
tempted to affix Avas death wit'iout the cliancc of lieing reprieved. 
The next law, they attempted to pass, vras to place the citizen in a 
situation that they woidd he compelled to resist the authoiity of 
the Government tliey themselves had estaidished — securing to 
themselves the control over all their agents througli the constitu- 
tional court. But this Ordinance threatened vengeance against 
any citizen who would dare attempt to luring them hefore that 
court, for t'ney said it vrculd enter into the very essence of their 
sovereig^it}', and luake it a mere hau])ie and a nasiie. So it wou.kl, 
and so it did. Yv hen a citizen refused to take tJie oatli of the Or- 
dinance, hut took the oatli autiiorised and required ])y the people, 
those judges decided that the people, under ni^osc authority they 
were appointed, and not the agents, were tlic sovereigns, and that 
the citizen, v\'ho claimed his comn^issieii, l;ad taken the oatli ther 
Constitution recpaired and was, therefore, entitled to his commission-- 
In my opinion those politicians, wlio introduced this Ordinance, 
and attempted to force the ])eople out of the Union, and to resist 
their own Government, claimhig th(v absohitc control oxcv both, 
the lives, liberty, and property of the people, asserting they had 
the clear right to declare the extent of their obligation, and vvheii 
once declared, the people had no course hitf obedience — that tliev 
were under no greater ol)ligaLtion to the people than an.y Prince 
or Potentate', other than their own will — tliat there is not now nor 
nev<M- lias been sucli a political body as the peopi(> of tlu^ Ihutin! 
fStates — thai the extent of ti're po^^'el^" of (^.nerl^uent do not de • 



pond oil lUcpcopk\ l)i\t \\\))[\ \h-^ Sl:i[c ijO/j^lsIatitro:;. aiu! liial tliorc 
is iioi. nor never lias Ixtii such a rdafion as (!iat of a citizen of 
New Hanipshirc' and a citizen of South C'4uolitja ix)Unil in tlie sanio 
social compact. They s'-vytlie relation is between the States. caUing 
ijirmselrcs the i^latc^. f^ay ing'. mIio can aUer. or destroy tlie Govern- 
inent — is it tiieni oi' llit^ }>coplc \ Tiu^y sa}*. ihev orejited and tliey 
ran destroy thisGovernnvent of the Uiiion of tlie people, and all 

If such proceeding's as these, ^vliich tliey liave said and done, do 
not anionnt to treason, both against this State, and the United 
States, I know not ^vhal ^vill. X\\i\ now^ those rcsohitions they 
o])tained. said to be tlic tmanimous voice of tlie people, is for carry- 
ini:;' ont the same schemo of treason, And as -soon as they 
attempt to witlidraw from tlie Union, they should be ihnjiediately 
arrested and tried for that offence, and all others, \a Inch I have 
mentioned: and if found guilty, as I think sofncof them are, they 
^should be made an example of — snircring the punishment the 
(Constitution reqnii'es. Dttt it is to be hoped, that a very large 
iiiunl^er of those individuals, who are and liave l)een very busily 
engaged in carrying on all those imconstitutional proceedings — 
assisting with all their power to carry ottt those principles, are act- 
ing through error of judgment, and with no bad design oji their 
])art. l)Ut have been deceived through tliat conlldence tliey have 
hi those who have deceived tliem. by the false arguments they 
liavc used. I am sure this is the case willi every citizen in all of 
the States, for a large number of tljose citizens, with whom I am 
personally ac(|Uainted, areas good citizens as this countrv affords. 
I must extend the same cirarity to those rcsprrtdhlc attorneys at 
law, with Avhom I have had the pleasure of becoimng a crp tainted. 
1 thiidc lean render a reasonal)lc excuse for them also. Their 
time has been so stuchously taken up. in the belialf of tlieir clients 
causej^. tliey have had very little time to devote to researches into 
tlie policies of Government, and might by relying on the opinions 
of others, be as easily deceived as the people. 

I Avould be truly glad; if I could correct the error and corruption 
whicli lias crej)t into tije minds of the people all over the United 
vStates, witliout pulling down one single individiial from the high 
p.^sition whicb lie occupies in tlie ciiclcs of society, if I could do 



145 

this and save ra}' countiy from the destriictioi], witli which it ap^-- 
pears now to be threatened, and restore harmony and friendship to 
every citizen in the United States, I would gladly do sc. 

With this Gibject before me, I have tried to view matters with an 
impartial eye, a.s much so as to do my country justice, and to do 
my duty to my country's cause, therefore, I wish no man to put 
" on the shoe " I have made in this work, unless he has been guilty 
of bad designs and intentions, such as I have described. Although 
I have considered it my dut}^ to place those views (which I have 
done) before the people for their examination and consideration, 
yet I should not do my ovrn feelings justice, nor yet those Southern 
politicians, who have been acting in the highest grades of office 
and in the confidence of so large a portion of their fellov/ citizenSj 
if I were to leave this subject here, I have attempted to frame an 
excuse for aJl the citizens and lawyeis, so far as my acquaintance 
and knowledge extended* Man is only man, and those politicians 
who were at the head of claiming the absolute control over the 
lives, liberty and property, are only men also* Is it not possible 
they v^ere acting through error of judgment and not through inten- 
tion of doing wrong. . Two arguments may be used, one for them, 
the other against them. The one against them would be, they 
had not only claimed the absolute control over both the lives and 
liberty of the people, but they were wise enough to introduce a 
policy an(f plan of government, which would have secured the 
power over the people that they had claimed, and had, also, very 
ingeniously explained away the policy and plan of government 
instituted by the people — changing the oath of allegiance from 
supporting the constituted authority authorised by the people, and 
adopting a plan to deprive every one of his commission who were 
in office under the authority of the people ; then compeUing every 
one who w^ould come into office to swear they would support and 
defend any act the Legislature would pass to the full intent and 
true meaning thereof^ denying all right of resistance on the part 
of the citizens, leaving thctn without any protection except what 
the Legislature might think proper to give. 

They provided an ordinance that the Legislature should, from 
time to time, Jiave power to prescribe what manner of oath every 
officer should tako, also gave the Legislature power to define ihn 

!9 



146 

punisluiieiU of treason against tlicmsvolve?. and what kIjouIcI b^ 
considered treason. The bill they furnished was, if any one should 
speak against any act passed by the Legisluture of this State, or 
resist them in any manner whatever the penalty shf)u]d be death 
without the benefit of the clergy— the true meaning of which is 
without the chance of being reprieved. 

These things seem so l^arefaced and contrary to all republican 
principles, that it might appear to some, that men possessing so 
much talent and wisdom, and having been engaged in managing 
the affairs of our repubhca,n government, could not be acting 
through error of judgment, but with the sole design of overthrow- 
ing the Government of the people, for some such purpose as I have 
been representing, but still after all these appearances, they may 
be innocent of any bad designs or intentions, and men, sometimes 
may, with the best of designs and intentions through error of judg- 
ment, do both themselves, their country and their fellow citizens, 
the worst of injuries. 

jLet us see if there is any chance for this to be the case with Mr. 
Calhoun and his important assistants. As I said before in my 
writing, I had viewed every thing with the. strictest impartiality, 
without any desire on my part to lessen that high 3.nd exalted 
opinion, which the citizens may have entertained of any to whom 
they had confided the affairs of the government, as it respected 
their good designs oi' intentions, yet at the same time I considered 
I had a right, and that it was an imperative duty to expose those 
errors to the gaze of the world and particularly to my fellow citi- 
zens, who are particularly concerned. 1 also feel equally bound 
to do justice to those who I conceive to be guilty of an error of the 
head, to point out in what manner that error might have originat- 
ed. Ill the first place, by reading " One of the People,^^ said to 
have been written by Mr. McDuffie, there I see pretty much the 
sa.me argument, contending for about the same power in the mem- 
bers of Congress, that he and Mr. Calhoun now contend to be 
vested in the Legislatures of the States. And in that address he 
contended, that although Congress possessed all the power any 
Prince or Potentate ever did, who had felt the arm of her oppres- 
sion, that although Congress possessed so much political power, 
yet they had acted with so much moderation and discretion, no 



147 

one had suffered in tlic least by such powers being coniniitted ta 
her. He, also, contended tiiat Mr. Calhoun had always been a 
strong advocate for discretionary power in the hands of the repi-@-> 
sentatives, which is the very reverse of our form of government, 
for by restricting their power, by our written Constitution, is the 
only way the people retain the power of government in their own 
hands, and not giving any discretionary pov/er they can help. — 
If our government was such as has been contended for either un- 
der this Ordinance or by the pamphlet called ^- One of the People,^^ 
it would be a government of Legislatures and not of principles. 
If it was a government of Legislatures with discretionary power to 
pass what laws they might tliink proper, our Constitution would 
be of no use whatever ; counter-legislation would be the only rem- 
edy we, the people, would have against any usurpation iiiey might 
attempt. 

When the pamphlet of " 07ie of the People " was w^ritten, Mr 
Calhoun and Mr. McDuffie contended for a government of Legis- 
lative authority over the people, in the members of Congress ; and 
contended that Congress had precisely the same pov/er over the 
people of all the States, that they now claim for the Legislatures 
of the different States, v>diich. if carried into effect, according to the 
power of governments, to secure the power claimed, just such a 
policy as they have introduced would be necessary to enforce their 
law^s. According to the principles held by " One of the People,''^ 
they would have been under as great an error to have established 
the powers in the hands of Congress, as to attempted to established 
it in the Legislatures of the States. They v/ere w^rong in both 
instances. They were wrong when they imagined the powers 
should be vested in Congress, at her discretion. They were equally 
wrong when they attempted to establish the power, or sovereign 
power in the Legislature of the States, as they contended for, by 
the act of the Ordinance, explained fully by the accompanying- 
Address. They were ahke wrong in each of those cases, for the 
true character of om- Government is, that it is a Government of 
principles, the people the author of those principles, restricting the 
power of their agents, from the Constable to the President, only 
giving to eacli one in olliice sufficient power to transact the business 
aBsig'ned that ofllce, wliicli is prescribed in the Constitution, as I 



, 148 

have before faily siiowD. ''One of the People'' claimed for 
Congress ail the power 'any Prince or Potentate ever possessed, 
over the rights of the States, or the doriiestic rights of the people. 
If that really was their honest opinion at that time, experience 
would soon teach them that such a polic}^ and plan of Go\^ernment 
Vv^ould place the domestic rights of the Southei'ii States in very 
imminent danger from tlie fanat.ica.1 and ignorant impressions intro- 
duced amongst the Northern portion of the Union, respecting our 
Southern Institution. They discovered, that by placing the sove- 
i'eign povv^er in the majority of Congress, fi'om all appearance, they 
were making strong preparations to rob us under the name of law, 
which caused Mr. Calhoun and McDuffie both to begin to 
think that as '■ One of the People" said, Congress possessed all the 
pov/er any Prince or Potentate ever did, but who had felt the arm 
of oppression by such power being granted. Now tbe)^ begin to 
see, from all appearances, that it would not be long before the 
Soutliern States might be robbed of their rights by Congress,and all 
their State authorities set at naught. This viev/ of the subject 
might assign one reason why they wished to reverse their former 
opinion, and turn around, and contend for the sovereign power to 
be fixed in the Legislature of a State, so that the rights of the peo- 
ple of each State could be secured under the sovereign authority 
of the Legislature of their own State. It may be possible that nei- 
ther they, nor those who ha.ve been aiding and assisting them in 
resisting the legislation of Congress, have never understood the true 
principles of our Government, fj-om the conviction that placed 
the supreme power in Congress would leave the rights of the people 
of the severa.1 States in a very unsafe position. Wlien they at- 
tempted to place the power in the Legislature of each* State, and 
grant them the power of making what laws they might think pro- 
per, it w^as like jumping out of the frying pan into the fire, and 
making the thing no better, but worse, if possible. It v/ould be 
impossible for a Union — ^no stability could exist under such a form 
of government. Such was precisely the form of government the 
Romans lived under : they^ had power to elect their sovereigns^ 
but we, the people of the United States, elect our servants, and 
lay down the particular services each one elected may have to 
perform, and lay down a written rule to go by, and if he deviates 



149 

from iiiat rale it is not binding on lis ; and if lie attempts to en- 
force on us any law not authorised in the Constitution, we can 
and have the right to refuse to obe}^ such a law. As they have 
no chance to compel us only through the lavv^fnl tribunals — being" 
the lawful arbiters — we have a chance to shovr he liad no author- 
ity to make such laws, and thus set aside an unconstitutional law, 
without its having any effect upon us, securing in that way our 
agents under the people's own control. It is much the best plan 
to keep corruption oat of our agents, not to give them any discre- 
tionary power to do us harm, nor rule over us. 

Now, these are the only excuses I could search and find out, to 
justify me in ray opinion, tha.t those politicians might possibly be 
acting through error of judgment without any bad designs or inten- 
tions, but of one thing I am very certain, no deeper scheme can 
be laid, intentional or not, than their plan to destroy our Republi- 
can form of Government. I am very sur^, thei^^ policy and plan 
of government would secure all power, any Prince or Potentate 
ever had,- over the people, the Pope not excepted. 

It is now^ for the people to judge for themselves, and the politi- 
cians to apologize for themselves. I consider that I have done my 
duty both v/ays. If they should have been acting with good 
designs and intentions, and have been actuated in all the}^ have 
done with the best of designs and intentions, we have no right to 
neglect them nor treat them with contempt, if they acknowledge 
their error, for all mankind is liable to err. Y(e must recollect 
Mr. Calhoun has spent his whole life in the service of his country, 
and has rendered us many vaJuable and good services. It may 
have been his great zeal and love for the rights of his constituents, 
that may' have rushed liim into such rash measures. From his 
age at this time, he could not expect much pleasure in this world, 
in any situation in which he could be placed. 1 Avould be sorry 
to disturb his repose or rest on any other account than the present, 
but I feel in duty bound to God and my country's cause to detect 
so great an error, and the corruption growing out of that error. 
As it has been the pleasure of God that the knowledge of all those 
things I have written, should be made knov/n to me, I have felt 
that I was under the most solemn obligation to write these things 
not only for the good of the present gcnei'ation, but that genera 



150 

tions yet tnih'/.: va::\ ;■! .^ !;:.^p ibc l^eiielii. No honor need be 
ascribed to me^ for no inaii i;-. ;:4-ood. i\ good is contained in this 
work^ \*di it all be ascrii)ed to ilini who is the giver of every good 
and perfect gift. A 11 goodness couieth from God, and ail that is 
evil from inan. if I could wrileAvini the pen of an angel, unless 
God caused the people to iinderiiland, all 1 could do would be of 
no nse. 

I have just tills iiioiiicnt received the "Ilambnirg Journal,^' giv- 
ing an extract of Mi'. Calhoun's speech, in Congress, respecting 
the Mexican Y\^ar. 1 wMjuld call the attention, of my reader to 
j'Ome observations luade by liirn in tliai speecii, whic]i 1 think w^iil 
full}'' prove to th-e workl tliat the principles contended for by Mr. 
Calhoun, are precisely such as I have been representing them to 
be. and v.dli bear the constructions I have been giving, that he is 
either trying to overthrow the Govermnent of the people and bring 
lis under the gowjrnm^jtit of Englpnid, or some such Governmentj 
or else he never has understood the policy and plan of the United 
States Government. 

I will call attention to those observations made in his speecli 
respecting the Elng'iish and Roman Governments. Mr. Calhoun 
admonished gentleman not to flatter themselves with the delusive 
idea that vre, as vreH as Great Eritnn could liold large empires un- 
der subjugation, and hold them in safety. Of all the Governments 
that ever existed, England is possessed of the greatest power of 
expansion without reducing licr ]}eople to anarchy, or her officials 
to corruption. This he said v/as in part, because the Executive 
branch of Government, and the conservatives, the house of Lords 
were hereditary. Here you see, he represents the Government of 
England to be one of the l^est that ever- existed, giving it preference 
to our owni ; and says : it possesses the power of expansion, that 
is, of extending its jurisdiction over a larger portion of country than 
any Government in the world, without reducing her people to 
anarchy, or her oiSciais to corruption. He then goes on to give 
reasons for its being so, because the office of the King and Lords 
is hereditar}' . Now this is the reason he assigns iliat this Govern- 
ment is the best calculated to prevent corruption in the officers. — 
Those things he I'ccomniends most, is the very tilings that consti- 
iute monarchv, and provides the best means of foVcing monarchy 



15! 

nui corrujMion o!i t!ie i^eoplc, fficy iiri\e pow^i (oinnkc wliat laws 
they please, and the people have oo checiv on t-sose laws, like we, 
of the United States, yet he says: it is (lie ou^y way to prevent 
corrupt laws. When men have power to malvc any lav^'^s, and no 
on^ has power to set aside those laws, they are very apt to make 
such as will suit their ovv^n interest. 

Let us see how well the people liave licon r>rot&cted against 
anarchy and corruption by the Landloids and Bishops of the 
estabhshed Glnu'ch of England, so higliiy recoininended by Mr. 
Calhoun. In the first |)iace, the Landlords pass a law, tliat the 
importation of grain shall ceaao, when the quantity iniporled re- 
duces the price down to a certain fixed rate. By that means they 
secure a certain price to tlio.se who rent their lands, which enables 
the tenant always to give the Landlord a regular price for hi^ 
land. But at the same time, the laborer, who has to work for 
wages, such as he may be able to get, lias to submit to the price 
wdiichis forced on him purely for the benefit of the Landlord, who 
receives a princely fortujie every year, more than he can waste, or 
liave need for. By making these laws, to secure to themselves 
such lordly fortunes, is the cause of many a child, mother and 
father starving to death for the want of food. Yf ho would be 
willing to w^ork only for what sustains life. This appears to be no 
corruption in the eyes of Mr. Calhoun, but is the best Government 
in the world, because it is hereditary. 

Let us see what more they do, that is so clear of corruption. — - 
They pass a law that the eldest child sliall inherit all the real 
estate, depriving the rest of the legatees of their ecpial right, giving 
a princely fortune to one. I vv^ant to kiiow if there is no corruption 
here neither? I know the laws of the United States do not act so, 
but divides equally and provides Ordinaries to see that minors 
receive justice. Besides they secure in their own gift the bestowing 
of all very profitable offices, and ahvays bestow those otTices amongst 
Iheir own relations — keeping all power and profit amongst them- 
selves. They also pass laws that their claim for rent comes in 
before any other claim Vvdiatever. They make laws forbkiing any 
one to shoot a rabbit, bird, or catch fish out of the vraters on their 
land, if any one violates those laws, he is punished for the oflence. 
All these are not corruption in the eyes of Mr. Calhoun, because it 
is hereditary. 



152 

Tkere are also, twenty-six Bishops in Englaiin, who have th^ 
right to hold aa otiice ov seat in parliament, whicii is hereditary, 
according to the principles of the English Govemment, I suppose 
they will be concluded under the word Conservatives. They are 
the Ministers of the Gospel, and I hope theirs is one of the true 
Churches of our Lord and his Christ. May we not in safety trust 
hereditar]^ right in their hands.and in their hands ma,y we not sup- 
pose the people free from conniption, respecting their hberties or 
property ! Well, let us see what they have done, as they have 
some voice in niaking lavv^s for the people, let us see what they 
have done for themselves. In the fxrst place, they provided that a 
salary of two hundred thousand dollars should be settled on two 
of the highest in office ; also, twenty-live thousand dollars on the 
other twenty-four Bishops yearly. The Governn^ent of England 
is laid out in square Parishes, they provide that there shall be a 
church in each parisii, and a Minister appointed by Parliament to 
preach in such Parishes, over all England, with a salary settled on 
them, as I have been infoiined, varying from eight hundred, to 
three thousand dollars. All this money has to be ra^ised by a tax 
on the people, whether they belong to the Cliurch or not, to pay 
the Bishops this large princely fortune, for them to spend — living 
1 n princely roj^alt}^, also to pay all the different Ministers, who have 
the right of the Parish Church assigned to them. They are com- 
pelled to raise the money to build all those Churches. They are 
compelled to support those Churches, whether v/ilhng or not. It 
is very seldom the Bishops or Ministers receiving those salaries 
ever preach to the people. Thej generally hire cin-ates to preach 
and discharge the duties of pastor to the congregation paying them 
out of part of their salary, living on the rest at ease. I am really 
afraid this is lording it over God's heritage. This is the kind of 
Government Mr. Calhoun has been recommending to the people 
as the best in the world, to prevent corruption in officials, and the 
best reason he assigns in part, is because the Executive, the Lords, 
and Conservative offices are hereditary. 

If 57-ou recollect in the Address accompanying the Ordinance, he 
there claimed this great sovereign right for the Legislature as 
hereditary^ that they had all the power any Prince or Potentate 
ever had. And, indeed, from all the arguments, he is, and has 



153 

hcen using; all the at-oirtnis in forcing; tlie Ordinance and tho 
sovcrcic";! power of tlic IjCgisIaturc over us — sa3^ing that we would 
join any power to assist us in free trade, and if the balance of the 
United States resisted us in the course lie was directing, England 
'would assist us. Those things must mean something. 

I now heg leave to differ with Mr. Calhoyn, in his view of En- 
gland. I am sure, to iix a hereditary right in officials, is the only 
v/a.y to protect and encourage corruption, as I have fully proven 
and shown by those Ltandlords and Bishops^ so far as they arc 
interested personally aiididomestically. It will be recollected, where 
I have shovvii the policy and plan of the English Government, I 
' have tliere stated, that with the exception of our own, it was the 
best Government in the w^orld, a,nd that the Kings and (Queens 
sliouldbe respected and guarded asHhe apple of the eye. 

Respecting those Landlords and Bishops, the King cannot pre- 
vent the lavv^s they have provided for their own benefit, ' for the 
King and dueen has only two votes, just like our President, and 
thus do not have it in their power to prevent the passage of such 
laws. As the Lords and Bishops have so large a majority *of votes 
in ma^king such lav/s, the King has no means to check them.- — • 
The only advantage he has over our President is, that under the 
Constitution of England his oitice is hereditary iii himself and heirs 
for ever. The Landlords and Bishops of England are really the 
true sovereigns. I have shov^,"n how v/eli they make use of it, as 
far avS their personal interest is concerned. I do believe the Kings 
and Q,ueens of England have done all that was in their power to 
promote the interest of their subjects — marking lav/s to distribute 
justice between man and man, with equal justice to each, as much 
so as any Governmxent in the world. They have protected the 
people in having free access to all the means of light and knowl- 
edge in all religious matters, and has protected the Ministers of 
the Gospe], in having free access to the people, and the people to 
the scriptures. lie has also, tolerated and extended commerce and 
civilization over every country in his power ; and by his com- 
merce, protected his subjects in finding a market for their labor, by 
which numbers have become wealthy and rich, and the poor fur- 
nished with employment by ^vliich they live. The King has Vvdth- 
held no blcssin.'; from his subjects, which comes within the ram'-c 

20 



154 

of my knowiedgej that was in his power to bestow. Under the 
arrangments he has made, he ha^s moderated the sufferings brought 
on the people by those hereditary officials, which Mr. Calhomi so 
much admnes. 

But Mr. Calhoun remarks about particular circumstances bring- 
ing about particular events so it happened witli England in the 
commencement of their Government. At that time the Pope and 
Mohammed occupied a large portion of the v orld, and had de- 
ceived so large a portion that Uieir physical power was great. The 
Government of England had to resort to every stratagem to unite 
their physical power. The landlords possessed great wealth and 
influence. All religious bodies do the same, whether right or. 
wrong. The King for liis own safety, also for the purpose of pro- 
tecting the people in having free access to that means of hght and 
knowledge which God had given the world, by which it should 
know him, for our Saviour said that " by the wisdom of the 
world no man knew God ; " then God is only known to man thro' 
that revelation given to us in the Scriptures of the Old and New 
Testament. As those means of knov*dedge were denied the peo- 
ple both by the Pope and Mohammed, the government of Eng- 
land, had to unite all the power they could, to retain that protec- 
tion and right for the people, therefore, he was compelled to unite 
Church and State, to be able to retain for the people this important 
right ; and I am nof sure if they ought not yet, for the same rea- 
son retain the same policy, but I would recommend both the land- 
lords and Bishops to moderate their claims on the people, and all 
Would be right. 

Mr. Calhoun also states in his speech, that of all Governments 
that ever existed, England is possessed of the greatest power of 
expansion, without reducing her citizens to anarchy. I must beg 
leave to differ with Mr. Calhoun on that subject likewise ; and 
will contend that the plan and policy of the United States is the 
best adapted to the extension of Governments or Territory, than 
any ever introduced in the world, or Avill be, without introducing 
anarchy or official corruption amongst the people, and is the best 
calculated to produce order, contentment and happiness, and to 
distribute justice and safe protection to every citizen who becomes 



155 

a parly to the Uaio]i, both as it respects his domestic, religious and 
.pohtical rigiits, in every shape and fornij than any other govern- 
ment that is or ever has been on earth. 

Let us see how far I can establish those assertions and claims I 
have put up for the government of the United States, and what 
proof I can introduce on this subject. In the first place, I will 
show that the institutions and plan of government of the United 
imitates is capacitated to be extended over the whole world without 
weakening any part, but on the contrary is calculated to strengthen 
all of its parts, to the protection of all our rights, both domestic, 
religious and political. In the first place the people of each State 
have the right to make all laws to regulate tlieir own domestic 
affairs v/ithin the bounds of that State — no State having power 
to extend its laws into a different State, and Congress has no con- 
trol over the domestic rights of any State, Avhich secures to each 
State the sovereign right over their domestic affairs. As no weight 
of burthen should fall on any other State, for their advantage, 
each State makes lavv^s, rules and regulations to defray their own 
expenses. So no State is encumbered with the expenses of an- 
other, nor entangled with the difficulties that might be brought 
on it by the irnprudent expenditure of another State. Since no 
State has the power to extend its laws into a different State, and 
Congress has no pov/er over the domestic affairs of the people of 
any State, it makes them safe and secure from violence either ou 
the part of Congress or State Legislation. If disputes should 
arise between any two or more States, or to which the United 
States should be a party, or any dispute that might arise under 
the Constitution, the constitutional court so set apart as a lawful 
arbiter to settle all these disputes, superceding the necessity of a 
resort to the sword, either as States or citizens. It places a weak 
State on the same footing with a stronger State, for the Court is 
bound by oath to decide according to the general agreement of the 
people of the United States, and not according to what any major- 
ity may pass. , It places the weak party on an eqnahty with the 
stronger ; and as each citizen, under the Union, has free ingress 
and egress to and from all the other States, and are to enjoy all 
the privileges and immunities of citizens of the same State, it 
makes him a sovereign as far as the Union extends, if that wa^ 



156 

over the vvliole vforlu. He can claim the obediciiCG of the officers 
to execute the law in his behalf wlicrevcr the Uiiion e: ' ;;.d 

if a servant or person bound to service vras to escape .hua hcc to 
another State, they are bound to deliver u]:) ructi servant or person 
to who ever their services may be due to the citizciis, under the 
law of a different State, by tlieir making- the proper proof requii-ed 
by law, for the same. Or if any one committed an olfence in one 
State and escaped to another, they were r l)omid to deliver 

lip such offender, by the proper proof ol' :.... .......q. So, you see, 

each State is bound by the Constitution of the Unil.ed States, to 
protect and defend the rights of each other domest: ideally 

and religiously, through the Union ; but liave no ■ ... , j make a 
law neither in Congress nor by the Legislatuj-o, to deprive the cit- 
izens of any State of any of their rights or i' iiey enjoy in 
their own State, but on the contrary they :;; .. ..oimd as one 

man to support and defend the rights of eacli Oilicr as far as this 
Union could extend, if that was over the whole world. The great 
beauty of the plan of our Government is, that eacli citizen hi all 
those particulars, under our beautiful formi of government, can 
protect himself bylaw, superceding the necessity of the sw^ord, at 
the same time securing to each individual full and sufficient pro- 
tection in the right of worshipping according to the dictates of his 
conscience, and protecting him in having free access to all the 
means of hght and loiowledge, both pohtical and religious. Where 
then could be the inconsistency in the extension of such a govern- 
ment, for the more that would unite themselves under our form of 
Government to s^jpport and defend each other according to the 
principles of our Union, it would make that protection and defence 
the stronger, wdthout placing or putting any citizen or State to in- 
convenience or loss Tv^hatever. This is the way in wliicli I contend 
the Govemmient of the United States is a consolidated*Government, 
consolidated in the people. The people forming tlieir plan of Gov- 
ernment contained in their Constitution — uniting them.selves in a 
firm league of friendship that they will support and defend each 
other against all attacks made against them, contained in their 
Constitution — combining their physical power by the Union, giv- 
ing and securing all that physical power to enforce such laws as 
may be made in pursuance of their Constitutions. Law Vvdthout 



157 

ph3^sical power to enforce it, wonid bo ofnoiisc, ])nt l)y this Unioii 
we combiiioour physical power ]n' a leagno ,)f fri^'iidship ; where- 
as, Kings have to bind b}^ force — making the peiiaky (lealh to dis- 
obey. 

Mucii more might be ad"^'^ ^ -^' ^■-' • -" ='^^'-^^', Uiit i tliijik caougii 
has been said to convince ;v J. our I 'overanieot is 

better adapted for the e • ' i^ji^gland, or any 

other plan of Governn- ;; world, v/ithout 

the least chance of reducing ou: to a state ofnoarchyor 

disorder. In the next r^ " \o:,?!n])t to show, tliat ours is 
the best plan and poli ■ oscnt to prevent corruption in 

officials, of any ever es;.;' i^olnja :)ii c;ulh, at any time or day. In. 
the first place, our Cou: ' ' ' ■ ' v ; a [jowcr of attor- 

ney to act under, for th ; :; to carry out the 

expressed will of the people. As it is a conceeded ]^oint in all law 
and equity, Vvdiere there is a written pov;er of attorney given to an 
agent, under which to act for the people, that tliey have no 
power to act beyond Vvdiat is expressed in tiiat power of attorney. 
As the Constitutions both of (.he States and of the United States, 
are the only power of attorney tJiey liavfe received from the people^ 
whenever they attempt to make a law unauthorised, the people 
have the right to o!3iect to such laws and refuse to o]3ey them. — 
The Constitution provides tliat: " No free ]nan of this State shall 
be taken, or im;;ri; oned, or disseized of his freehold, h])erties, 
or privileges, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any manner des- 
troyed 'or deprived of his life, libert}^ or property, but by the 
judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land," or tlie same as 
to say by the law of the constituted authorities of the people, for 
the Constitution says '^' this Constitution shall be the supreme 
lav^^ of tlie land." As there is no way to force a lav/ on the people 
but by tlie judgment of their peers, who are sworn to support and 
defend the Constitfitions both of the States and of the United 
States, if our Legislature attempts to outlaAV us so as to deprive us 
of any of those liberties or privileges we have secured to ourselves 
in the Constitution, which they have done under the authority of 
the Ordinance, the people, in tliat case, have nothing to do but 
reluse obedience to such laws, and have them tried in the Consti- 
tutional Court, and those judges, by their oath, bind tliem to set 
aside sucli attempt of ouj' agents to outlaw us. 



ioS 

Tliio was the Court Mr. Calhoun and his co-adjutors were so 
afraid to meet in their attempts aii:oinst the people. And in the 
Ordinance prov^ided that no appeal or copy of appeal should be 
allowed to that Coiirt, and if an attempt was made, the pfirty at- 
tem.pting' to take a : or take a copy of appeal, should be 

tried for contempt ui v^uirri. for they said it would enter right into 
the essence of the sovereignty of this wonderful Sovereign Legis- 
latnre of South Carolina, that they had just been making, with 
the right of iidieritance. over the people, establishing in their 
liands and under their aLithority, the absolute control over both the 
lives, liijerty and piop-riy of the people. And sure enough, one 
citizen did refuse to take the oath provided under the Ordinance, 
but took the oath required by ,the Constitution, and contended for 
]iis connnission in tlie constitutional court, the judges decided that 
he had aright to the oiRce ; so those attempts on the pait of our 
agents were set aside, and liad no force over the citizens. I think 
this is a much better way to prevent corruption in our officials than 
to fix a hereditary right in them, without any lawful power to 
check any act they might think proper to pass. If we had not 
such a lawful arbiter appointed to settle disputes between our- 
selves and our agents, our Government v/culd have been very de- 
ficient in its formation, for if our agents had power to make any 
lav/ they pleased, and we had no lawful arbiter to set aside any 
unconstitutional act they miglit think proper to pass, our Consti- 
tution v.'ould be of no use to us. 

Is it not as reasonajjle that we should appoint a set of lav/ful 
arbiters to settle disputes between them and ourselves, as to appoint 
a set of lawful arbiters to settle disputes between us as individuals. 
If we had not done this, our government would have been very 
deficient, but that part vre did not neglect, and through that court 
Tv^e can prevent them from forcing any corrupt law on us — leaving 
our agents without an^v chance or power to act corruptly or intro- 
duce anarchy or confusion in the ma.nagement of tiie affairs of our 
Government. I think the best way to keep down corruption 
amongst our oflicials is, not to leave any discretionar}^ power in 
their hands, that the}^ may have no power to do us harm. I think 
it a much ]3etter plan than to give them a hereditary office. 



159 

I think I have also slio-^vn tliat our poluy v^.'^l i:Uai of Govern- 
ment has adapted a better plan to prevent cornTplioii l>y not leav- 
ing it in their power to act corruptly, tlian any Governiiient that 
ever existed. As to the plan of extension of country and territo- 
r}^ without reducing ourselves to aiia-rcliy or our oiiicers to corrup- 
tion, our Government far excels all that have ever existed. But if 
our Government was such an one as Mr. Calhoun has been all 
along representing it to be, neither many nor few States would be 
capable of protecting the people from anarchy nor the ofEcials front 
corruption — he blends our Government witli the Roman. Of all 
the Governments or policies of Governments, {lie policy of Mr. 
Calhomi and the Roman Government were naturally compelled ta 
run into anarchy — there would be no consolidated form of Govern- 
ment, and nothing but anarchy could prevail, as I have already 
showm under their policy. 

The Mexicans are peisuing the same plan of government of the 
Romans, and such as Mr. Calhoun is trying to establish over the 
Southern States — making a Government of Legislatures instead of 
a Government of Principles, as you will see in the Ordinance^ 
nothing but anarchy could or ever did exist under any such form 
of Governmient. We have the Roman Govemnient for one exem- 
pie and the Mexican for another, and since Mr. Calhoun has been 
attempting to revolutionise the Southern States against the North^ 
nothing but confusion and corruption of officials has been thecase^ 
and if it had not been for Gen. Jackson and some other genuine 
republicans, who knew their rights and maintained them, it is 
hard to tell what had become of us, for all those evils and calami- 
ties that was represented to us, were mei'ely imaginary, as it re- 
spects the tariff, which Vv^as so much complained of, as destroying 
the institutions of the South, in my opinion wTre ima^nnary. 

I think I have shovv^i that by fixing a hereditary right to an 
office will not prevent corruption, but on the contrary, will encour- 
age it, but as Mr. Calhoun said, thisAvas in part wh}' it prevented 
corruption, I thmk so far as officials are concerned he has been 
mistaken. 

I will attempt to show why anarchy, couhision and disorder are 
prevented by the Government of England. It is simply by passing 



160 



u law, tliat if any one : 
hereditary officials, or i;: ;;.:; 
penalty slioukl be cleat] i. [^ i. 
adopted to prevent aoarcliy, a 
Kings, Monarclis, and Despot^; 
attempted to be ]3asscd by lb esc 
authority of the Ordinance. \\\ 
that if any one slionid spc:^;._ 
tiire of the State or resisted tbv: 
rity, the penalty siiould he dcat.^ 



-iitl the sai.]5 

i;ad to pass. 

Kovercig"!! ^ 

icn the^ 



^j 



any act 



]3rieved — having licj-editary olllc . 
bounties, who were willing to cn^v^.v 
way the Government of England pre: 
])y killing any one, who will resist ill; 
the plan of the Ordinance they v " -(^ -^ 

Now I will attempt to show th; 
States Government is belter adaptc^l l/: 
anarchy than the Government of 






'i;;]icd by those 
'iatever, the 
!::lw the Pope 
:^D>med and all 
iQ law wa.s 
uies under the 
lie bill forward, 
of the Legisla- 
-' ^-ndertlieir authc- 
:ce of being re- 
ccci ving large yearly 
/•'":^ So you see the 
7 and disorder, is 
" -ed. Under 
3 measures. 
.; I the United 
lov\ 11 corruption and 
The plan of the 
United States Government aliov/s no onice to be hereditary and to 
withhold all p-ower from them — giving then merely such discretion- 
ary power as would enable them to discliarge tlie duties of their 
office — laying do vrn a VvTitten povv^er of attorney to act under, giv- 
ing them no power but what was express!}^ granted, ^md having a 
court appointed as a lawful arbiter to decide in all cases v/herein 
disputes might exist ]3etween the people, and their agents, both in 
the States and United States — to examine and see whether those 
agents of the people had, or had not acted in accordance with the 
expressed will in their Constitutions, either in the States or in the 
United States. So the pe'ople coidd control the actions of their 
agents b}^ a legal process at law; superceeding the necessity of 
revolution either of the States, or United States. The people have 
a remedy in that way, that each and ever}^ citizen has the power 
to resist and control the actions of their agents, whenever they at- 
tempt to make any kavs not authorised under the Constitution.- — ■ 
I think this is a much better plan of Government to prevent cor- 
ruption in our officials, than to give them hereditary rights to office; 
and 1 think it a much l^etter plan to have a lav/ful arbiter to set 
aside any bavs they attempted to make, net authorised by the 



161 

people, or by law, tliau have to resort to revoliiilon, where the law 
would be established, that if you speak against any act they would 
pass, or resist them in any manner whatever, the penalty would be 
death, without the chance of beiu!^ reprieved. Those are the prin- 
ciples attempted to be esta,bhshed over the people of South Caroli- 
na, by those politicians, calling themselves ^tate Right. Those 
are the reasons tliat have constrained me to v\aite, stiil seeing tliat 
the delusion introduced by those politicians seemed to be gaining 
ground on the people; and believing there vras a cornbinatioii 
forming b}?- men, who possessed great talents, Vv^ere industriouvsly 
acting and assisting in carrying out tliose principles of error over 
the people, and depriving them of all their liberties and privileges- 
Ail resistance to their plans seemed to be relaxed, as far as the 
Southern States Vv^ere concerned; I felt bound to place these vievv^s 
before the people, that the]/ might be able to defend themselves 
against such attempts, before it vras too late ; for I think I have 
shovrn the people how impossible it is to resist those political povv ers. 
After they suffer plans of Government to be estabhshed over them, 
it matters not what professions of protection they pretend to prom- 
ise you, their ovv^n interest Vvdil soon compel them to impose on 
you, all those hereditary offices, Vvdiich require high pay to make 
them satisfied, and will have the power to make laws to tax the peo- 
ple and make them pay what amount of jiioney they wisb. Only see 
how much.money it takes to satisfy twenty-six Bishops of England, 
it requires one million of dollars yearly to pay tiiem, although they 
claim that for protecting their suiils, v/nich I really believe they 
do. See what an enormous sum die Pope receives, pretending it 
is for the same purpose. Yet he is one of the greatest impostors in 
the world, withholding all light and knowledge from all he has un- 
der his contiol, both political and religious. All Kings have to re- 
ceive high salaries, and have the power of fixing wliat will satisfy 
them. All the oliicers under the King have to receive high salaries, 
all this the people have to pay whether they are willing or not, and 
dare not refuse by resistance under the penalty of death. 

It is not so with the people of the United States, they have the 
fixing the salaries of the oliicers, who transact the offices of their 
Government. They allow no hereditary right in office; but we 
give oomc oI]lcc5 during 1:U\ upon the coriditions of sfccd behaviour^ 

' ;^l 



16f 

bat on no other. So if tliej were to neglect to perform faith- 
fully those duties committed to their care, they could be deprived of 
iheir offices. 

I urge the people to preserve this Union, and this policy and 
plan of Government, and suffer no man, or set of men to deceive 
you, for it is the best plan of Government that ever has been, or 
ever will be established, both to prevent corruption in officials, and 
also anarchy, confusion or disorder. I think I can, and have 
shown it to be the best adapted to the extension of territory without 
producing any disorder. It is the only system and policy under 
which the whole world could be united — at the same time promot- 
ing all their interests and mutual benefits. I believe it to be the 
policy and plan of Government, that will exist, when the Millen- 
nium will be extended over the whole earth. I believe vre, the 
people of America, now live under the Millennium. 



THE PLAN OF GOTERrWENT THAT WILL EXIST 
AT THE TIME OF THE MILLENNIUM. 

I will now endeavor to point out to the reader what form of 
Government will exist at the time of the Millenium, contrasted 
with those of the present day. In the first place, every one shaU 
€at and drink under his own vine and % tree and none shall 
make him afraid. I think I have fully shown, that under th© 
policy of our Government, the people eat and drink under their 
own authority — that there is no authority above the people's. As 
there is no authority above theirs, there is none to make them 
afraid, for according to the Union, as I have described, every citi- 
zen throughout the United States is bound to each other to sup- 
port and defend each other according to the principles contained 
in the Constitutions both of the States and of the United States, 
making a consolidated power in the people, instead of consolidat- 
ing the power in a Kmg or Legislatures either of the States or of 
the United States, so there is no other authority above that of ths 
people. 

Another promise is that knowledge shall increase to and fro, 
and that all shall know God from the least to the greatest Un- 
der our plan of Government, the people arc protected in having 
free access to ail the means of light and knowledge, both political 
and religious. The means of light and knowledge here, 
under the government of the United States are so great, that all 
the people in the United States do know the true and hving God. 
There is no such thing as worshipping stocks, nor stones, nor im- 
ages, except by the Catholic people, who are taught by their de- 
ceivers, that it is wrong to come to that light God has given the 
world, by which the world should know him. Our Government 
has secured to the people the liberty of that light. Christ said, 



164 

^'He that liatli a light will not put it under a bushel.-' The Fope, 
Bishops and Priests make those they have deceived believe they 
have a light under their l^ushel, but tiiat it would not be safe for 
them to see it and they vrlU explain to tliem what kind of light it 
is. The explanation they give the people is any thing else but the 
true light our Saviour left for the world to know him by. They, 
like all other deceivers, have hid all the true light from the deceiv- 
ed. All they aie willing to let them know is, to come to them and 
pay them nearly all the money they can make, and bov/ down and 
reverence them. The books they refer them to for instruction is 
^' The Father s.^^ They are the fathers of deception. Why not 
I'efer them to the words of our Saviour, who made man and had 
the best right to know v.^liat kind of Vv^ords was best to use before 
men by which they might be instructed, as to what vras the will 
of God, and in what way he should be worshipped. Yf hen John 
sent his disciples to know of Jesus Christ whether he vras the 
Christ or not, or whether he should look for another, his answer to 
John was, that to the poor the Gospel was preached. If the poor 
V\*ere capable of hearing his words then, wh}' not novr. He also 
said, that not man^f mighty nor wise were called, but that G^od had 
chosen the foolish things of this world to confound the wisdom of 
this world. But they tell the people that they have been deceived, 
that God has appointed them as the wise, that they expound the 
words of our Saviour and ' his Apostles, o,nd that it would be a 
crime worthy of death for them to look at those words used both 
by our Saviour and his Apostles for the instruction of the poor. 
The Scriptures forbid the preachers from lording it over God's her- 
itage — all thi? they do, and many things cruel to be thought of, by 
those who have read the w^ords of Christ and his Apostles. 

Under our form of Government, we have secured a right over 
all those povrers, Vv^ho have restricted their subjects in having free 
access to all light and knowledge, both as it respects pohtical and 
religious matters and all other things. The means of hght and 
knowledge is so great and the opportunity both by the press and 
Ministers, w^ho have been protected in having free access to the 
people and the people to the Scriptures, it is impossible but that 
every one under such a form of Government should know the true 
^nd liying God, irom images or Gods made by hands, Therefore, 



our Government prepnres the world for tlie marriage of the Lamb, 
it opens the gates, that the King of Glory Diay enter. God is the 
king of Glory. Whereas the Pope and Mohammed and many 
other Kings, shut the gates, making the penahy death if any Min- 
ister of the Gospel olfered to preacii the Gospel, or attempted to dis- 
pose of the Scriptures amongst the people, shutting out from them 
ail means of light and knowledge God had given them, by which 
they might knovv^ liim. Our Government secures to tlie people all 
those blessings prolii!)ited b}^ Kingjs, Monarchs and Despots, by se- 
curing to themselves the liereditay rights to offices, with discretion- 
ary power to make what laws they thought proper. At the time 
of the Millennium, the Scriptures say : " The wolf also, shall dwell 
with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with the kid, and the 
calf, and the young hon, and fetling together, and a httle child 
shall lead them." In all tiiose cases the Scriptures speak figura- 
tively. I consider that v/Iiat is meant by tlie lion, is tlie lavv", and 
by the lamb, Christ and his Gospel contained in tlie Scriptures. — 
In some place it was said, the lion was at war v/ith the lam.b. — 
The law established by the Pope and Mohammed made the penal- 
ty death, if Sbuy Minister preached the Gospel to the people, or at- 
tempted to distribute the Scriptures amongst them. You see, the 
law under the Pope and Mohammed v/as at war with the lam.b^ 
and stood ready to devour any v/ho would dare attempt preaching 
the true Gospel, or suuer the people to read it. But now the law 
of the United States, being the hon of power, protects the Ministers 
in having free access to the people and they to the Scriptures. So 
in this case our Government will represent the lion and lamb Ivino- 
down and getting up together, and every man eating and drinkin<T 
under his own vine and %-tree. Every hill was to be made level 
and every plain made smoo'Jie, and there was nothing to hurt in 
all the land. The policy of our government has levelled all those 
powers used by the Pop%and Moliammed and Heathen Kings • 
so there is nothing to hinder or hurt us from having free access to 
all means of light and knowledge, and the full and free right to 
worship according to tiie dictates of our own conscience. Again, 
the scripture speaks of the time that will come when knowledo-e 
will increase to and fro, and that all shall come to the knowledge 
of God from tlie least to the greatest, and that a nation shall lie 
born in one day. 



loo 

This was also a fi^uratiye expression, it could not have meant 
that all the people of a. w^hole nation, vv^ho were ia Heathen igno- 
rance, should receive the gospel and all become christians in one 
day. Suppose we take this view of it: When a people, like those 
of Texas, revolted from under the bondage of Mexico, Vvdiere the 
Ministers of the Gospel were not suffered to preach the gospel, and 
the people put to death if they offered to read the scr ptures— - 
where they were hound down with the chains of darkness — ^when 
the}?- revolted and established our republican form of government, 
securing to themselves the right to read the scriptures, and the 
ministers to have free acces to the people, it might be said that that 
government was born to the means of light and knovvledge in one 
day. Such a system of government prepares the way of the 
Lord and makes his paths straight, and prepai-es the world for the 
marriage of the lamb, udiereas, other s3-stems of government have 
prohibited and prevented it. 

I contend that our system of government, so far as those things 
are concerned, fulfills all those promises contained in the scriptures 
respecting the Millennium. 

The scripture also speaks of tlie time to come when nations 
shall cease to go to war Vv^ith each other, and that the use of the 
sword shall be dispensed with. Let us see if our plan of govern- 
ment can effect that promise also. Taking the model of the Uni- 
ted States Government to effect a union of the whole world, taking 
it for granted that there are but two waj's by which disputes can 
be settled between the human family — one is by law, the other by 
revolution. We will take the United States as a model — there is, 
we will say lliirt}^ States in the Union, and every State is sovereign 
as it respects mPtking all laws, rules and regulations within its 
own immediate bounds. As I have fully shown that no State has 
power to make laws to extend into another State, nor has Con- 
gress power over the domestic affairs of §^y State, each State has 
a written constitution for itself, and if any disputes arise, either 
between the citizens, or betvv^een the States, or in any manner 
arising under the Constitution, that there should be a lawful arbiter 
appointed for the express purpose, and bound b}^ oath to decide ac- 
cording to the principles of agreement between the parties, that all 
disputes can be settled hy lavv^, superceding the necessity of the 



167 

swoi'd. Now, Avhy mig-]it not nations, \7ho are civilized and 
chiistianized, enter into a similar contract, and ibrm an interna- 
tional constitiitioi], embracing- all those points v/liich have given 
rise to wars between them, and have international judges sworn to 
decide according to the principles of agreement. This would cer- 
tainh^bean honest and fa,ipwa.y of settling disputes, and vv^oiild 
place a weak nation on an equality v/itli the stronger, the same as 
it does a weak State in the United States on an equahty w^ith the 
the stronger, or a weak man on an equality, in laAV, witii the 
strong. 

There might be some objection made, that such a set of judges 
might not do us justice. We migdit object to the same rule in our 
States or our Courts, but suppose the w^orst, that we did not get 
justice every time, we would not be dishonored by complying with 
the decision, and in all probability, in no case would we lose by 
one-tenth as much as if we v/ere to go to war. It is very seldom 
that any loss could be as great by an unjust decision in such a 
court, as would cost a nation to maintain her rights in war, even 
in money, to say nothing about the loss of lives — wives of their 
husbands, and infants of their parents, which would be greater loss 
than the money. If such a system as this could be introduced over 
the whole world, so as to prevent blood from being shed by man, 
and a plan devised by which nations and individuals could be pro- 
tected in justice m every respect, both politically, religiously, domes- 
tically and nationally, what a happy event ! such a situation of 
things it would. produce, when all the world could unite in friend- 
ship and love, to support and defend each other against all attacks 
made against them, either on account of religion, sovereignty, trade 
or any other pretence whatever. It v/ould place all the w^orld in 
a situation that they w^ould eat and drink under their own vine 
and fig-tree, as there w^ould be no authority only such as they had 
authorised in tlieir Constitutions — making a Government of prin- 
ciples and not of men. Such in my opinion, is the polic}^ and plan 
of the Government that will be established, when the Millennium 
is extended over the earth. I believe our plan and pohcy of Gov- 
ernment can, and will in time, be extended to all the human fami- 
ly, and I think in this Avay I have fully shown, that of all the 
Governments that ever existed, or ever will exist, the Government 



168 

and Governmeiits of the people of tlie iTnited Ssates, is the best 
adapted for the extension of territory, without reducing her citizens 
lo anarchy or her officials to corruption ; and is fully able and the 
best qualiiied to prevent corruption and anarchy in odicials, of any 
on earth ; and is the very Government God intends bestowing on 
the v/orld, at the tinie he has promised, that every man shall eat 
and drink under his own vine and ii?;-trce and none shall make 

o 

him afraid. 

It appears that Mr. Calhoun diifers in opinion with certain di- 
vines, he mentions in his speech, as it respects this Government 
being not the gift of God to t]ie people, he attribiues our having re- 
ceived it ratlier to a coml^ination of circumstances, and neither the 
gift of God, nor the wisdom of tlie framers of the Constitution. I 
differ Yevy much Vvdth him on that point, I believe that in every 
event, embracing the revolution, God ordered and directed the whole 
matter — that he gave those men wdsdom, hearts, and minds to 
carry out all, and every policy and plan of Government, and that 
every blessing we enjoy under our happy system, is wholly and 
entirely the gift of God, and tlia.t to him, and him alone should be 
ascribed all honor, praise, and glory, and thanks for the gift, and 
also for preserving it to the people to this day. If our Government 
was such as descril)ed by tliQ State Right of South Carolina in the 
Ordinance, and more fully by the accompanying Address, and 
other acts attempted to be made to carry out the same principles 
and policies, I should then, really think like Mr. Calhoun, that 
such a plan and policy had not been given by God, but by the 
Devil ; for nothing but confusion, disorder, hatred, mahce, and 
bloodshed could exist under any such a plan. If I had viewed our 
Government as based on such principles as he has described it to 
be, I should have been as uneasy as him, and those who have ta- 
ken his opinions as their guide. As I said before, he may have been 
actuated, in all he has done, by the best intention^ and designs, 
and what has been done wrong by him and those who have been 
governed by his opinions, may and I hope will be ascribed to error 
of the headvvdthout any bad intentions of the heart. And I would 
be as happy to see Mr. Calhoun andliis friends put right, and pro- 
moted to the highest conildence and honors of our country, as any 
individuals in America. I have not written this vrork v.dth the 



169 . 

\-h\v of pulling" tliein clown, but of correcting- their errors, not only 
theirs, but the errors of the vrhoie world. I will recommend to my- 
self as well as others to pursue the plan of the parable spoken by 
our Saviour respecting the sheep, he said: " If a man having one 
hundred sheep, and one of them should go estray, will he not leave 
the ninety and nine and go in search of the one that was lost, and 
when he hath found it, he will take it back, and rejoice more over 
the one that v.Tv^s lost than the ninety and nine that had not went 
estray." When we can, by the help of God, convince each other 
of our error, we should rejoice over him, and rejoice that that 
which had been wrong was made right. Yf e ought to be actuated 
towards each other VvUtli charitable and liberal principles — not con- 
demning each other too hastily, until we have given them every 
chance to be convinced of their error. Then, if v/e found we could 
not prevail on them to do right, wisdom v/ould dictate to us, that 
we should reject them. Such is the course I hope my. fellow citi- 
zens will pursue, and take it as a guide for their safety, and not 
suffer personal respect, or regard for individual feelings to continue 
to promote men in oince, Vvdien we see, hj their influence and tal- 
entj we might be brought into great difficulty and danger. This 
has been the only and all tlie reason, tliat first induced me to 
VvTite this political work. I thought, perhaps, much evil might be 
prevented, and in the end much good grow out of 9*ich a work. — ■ 
God has promised that he will raise up an ensign and hiss at the 
nations, and that this ensign shall not be evil spoken of, and that 
it shall not be v/orshiped, but that God shall receive the honor and 
glory. My opinion is, that this policy and plan of Government is 
the ensign that God will hiss at the nations with, that will not be 
evil spoken of It seems that in tlie Revelation of John, that he 
describes that he savv^ a great sea of glass. My opinion is, that 
this sea of glass was our plan and policy of Government, which 
God had permitted him to have a view of — glass being an emblem 
of light. Our Government is that light — securing all means of 
light and knowledge to the human family, it may well be repre- 
sented as a sea of glass, v^hich will in time extend and communi- 
cate light and knowledge to the wliole earth. The wonderful im- 
provement which is now made, both in the diffusion of knowledge 
and conveyance of commerce on land and sea, surely betokt^u^ t!;at 
I^Iillrnniiirn is either here, or close pA hand 



.no 

Many more important ideas might be broiight m support of thoso 
views, but I wish to make this work as short as possible, so as not 
to tax the patience of my reader, as 1 have three other subjects 
yet to write on, embracing a connection with the views, I tliink 
necessary to make this work useful. Believing there had been 
enough said, to show, and convince any reasonable man, that our 
plan of Government carrys out the policy and plan that the whole 
w^oiid will receive when the Millennium vrill be extended over the 
earth. 



t 



THE TxiRIt^F-ITS RPPECTS. 

We have bseii taught by t]ie State Right PoKticians of Soutli 
Carohiia, that the interests of the people of the North and South 
were at variance with each otlier, and that the people of the South 
was very much plundered and robbed by those of the North, un- 
der a high Protective Tariff of the Northern Manufacturing In- 
stitutions, at the expense of the interest of the South, even to the 
amount of forty dollars out of every hundred we receive for our 
cotton. This doctrine was preached up and so firmly believed by 
a large number of our citizens, (speaking jocosely) that I am not 
•sure but some of them, on their way from market, would be watch- 
ing every thicket they would pass, to see whether some Northern 
man was not lying there hid, and would, by some magic art or 
another, slip forty dollars of every hundred out of his pocket — 
counting his money as often as convenient, lest it would be got 
from him before he reached home. After he was home and would 
pay it out, he could hardly be made believe but that by some crook 
and turn, the people of tlie North had, after all his watching and 
care, actually got some of his money, merely because some of our 
politicians had told him it was the case. • 

I hope the people, at the present day, have become more wise, 
and will think for themselves, and not suffer the politicians to make 
them look so foolish, and use the faculties of their own reason and 
not suffer the politicians to reason them out of what httle wit 
they Jiave, and leave them without any reflections of their own. 

It is my opinion, that the interests of the North and South are 
united ; and after all is said about the Tariff, perhaps I may show 
the people of the South, that instead of the Tariff taking forty 
dollars out of the pocket of the people of the Soutli, for every 
hundred they got for their cotton, that it may be putting forty 



172 

dollars in their pocket, instead of taking it out. Tiiis, you Y\iU 
say, I cannot do — let me try and see iiovr ni'jh I can come to it. 
In the first place I contend that v;liatcver plan will increase the 
consumption of cotton, will enhance its value. Now, in order to 
know what would increase the consumption of cotton to the great- 
est amount, we must not confine our views to a httle pett}^ State, 
nor ye^ to the United States, nor to England nor Fra.nce, but to 
the whole commercial world. 

• We will suppose for instance, that the United States was to put 
a Protective Tariff on the cotton goods sufficient to prevent any 
other Government from exporting such goods into the United 
States, so as to secure the whole trade of the United States to the 
manufacturers of our own country, vvliat effect would it produce 
upon England. The fact is, England cannot get along without 
our cotton, for it is the profits they make on it, ctfter they have 
manufactured it, that furnishes them v/ith the means by v.diich 
they make both their wealth and their living. It furnishes them 
w^ith employment both on land and sea, so that persons can get a 
living by their employment in that way, who would actually starve 
for want of empio3'ment, if it was not for the cotton they buy 
from the people of the United States. 

By thus reasoning, I wish to show that they cannot get along 
without our cotton. Vf ell, suppose by the Tariff we prevent them 
from having a market here for their cotton goods, and secure the 
market to cur own home nianufacturers, what effect would it pro- 
duce on England, is the next question, who is so dependant for 
her support on the sale of her cotton goods. 

I contend it would have this effect, they are obliged to have our 
cotton, and cannot get along without it. If our Tariff cuts them 
out of a market in the United States, for their cotton goods, they 
will hunt a market somewhere else, as they have men and ship- 
ping enough to extend their commerce over the whole world. 

If England was to manufacture a sufficient qucintity of goods 
to glut all the commercial v/orld nov7 engaged in commercial 
intercourse with her at present, she could force commerce on 
heathen princes and potentates, like she did on China, a,nd make 
it their interest to receive them, as v/ell as all the civilized portion 
£>{ the world ; because wherever commerce is extended to any 





: : ;^'isis to ex- 




,\ .;:; '.] 


have a 


);io 


n. 




1>3 


iS oil ill 


would 



natioD, it. opeiis a door i'ov extending civilizatioji and religious 
principles, therefore, by securing our market to our own manufac- 
turers, it would rather compel I' ' ' ' \ ' 
tend commerce to other portion- ; 
tendency to increase, not to diminish tlie consui; 

You might ask me, then, what the people of 
gain, or what interest they \vould gain by giving tlie people of the 
North such protection ; and iiow w-ii you make it appear, that the 
South would be benefited b}^ such arrangemejits. In the first plafc 
we would be seeming a large portion of capiial and labor in the 
.employment of mauufacturing. If that capital and la])or was, 
by any regulation of" '■*'* ^^-'-:— ■ compelled to quit the employment 
of manufacturing, >__ . . o cc:iipeiled to turn their attention 

to farming. And, suppose that one-lialf of that capital and labor 
was to go the West and commence raising hogs, horses and pro- 
visions, the market would soon become glutted, and they would be 
scarcely able to sell their stock for aaylhing, so tliat it is ditScult 
at this time to sell cotton for lialf what will pay us for the trouble 
of maldng it. Suppose we w^ould introduce a tariiT iliat would 
cut our own manufactures out of a market in the United States, 
and one-half of tjiat labor and capital woidd turn their attention 
to making cotton and sugar, and we slioidd make one-fourth more 
cotton tha.n was wanted for consum]:>tion, and after the manufac- 
turers had furnished themselves with wliat cotton ihej needed, and 
we still had one-fourth left, v/hicli they did not need, if we sold it 
to them at all, Vv'c would have to force it on tliem at reduced prices. 
And when our crop would come into market the next year, they 
having a large surplus on hand, and kno wins^ we had half as 
much more on hand as they needed, tliey would keep forcing the 
price down, that in a few years we would not be able to sell at any 
price. So, you see, by protecting manulactures in their business 
it keeps out coiiipetition in producing cotton, sugar, corn, wheat, 
horses, mules, cattle and hogs ; and that we are all united and in- 
terested in protecting each other in every industrial pursuit in the 
United States, andshouki hve and act toward each other as brothers 
and sisters. 

I think these simple views will show that, {lie protecting tlie 
rights and interests of the people of the North and Soutli, East 



17-i 

ail J A^est. is eipiall}' bencnciLii to all. I have iiilioJiiceil tIios6 
vie\\'s, ]iot with the design of laying clown this policy as a strict 
rule to i)e aclliered to, but to place the tariff principle on its most 
extreme bomids — to show even on tjiat ground the interest of the 
cotton planter would sustain no loss. I am aware that an argu- 
ment might be introduced to show that our southern politicians 
only intended to fix a tariff, so that tliey and England both cculd 
sell in tliis market, so as to prevent extortion on their part. This 
niky have been their honest motives, but. let us look little further 
iijto the matter and see how it would work. Suppose our manu- 
facturers could furnish this market themselves, so far as the peo- 
ple of this government were concerned, every article the English 
furnished would dei3i-ive ou.r manufacfurers of the eaiiount of sales 
they furnished us witli. And suppose they would furnish us with 
half we consumed, it would drive half of our Labor and capital 
froDi that employment, and in a while drive the manufacturers 
out of employment, and throw us in the condition I have stated. 
If we v»"ould give England and the other parts of the world this 
advantage over our manufacturers, they would soon drive them out 
of market cveryvvdiere. They could lay so high a duty and tariff 
on all goods imported from foreign ports and thus secure the home 
market to their own subjects, and soon throy^ our manufacturei's 
out of employment, so that such a protection to our manufactur- 
ers, as the politicians of the South have been speaking of, would 
place the country in danger of all those deplorable conditions I 
have been describing. 

There is but one plan of Preo Trade, that I can see, which 
could be gone into witli safet}^, and all tlie world be profited, and 
Vvdiich would be my choice, if it could be effected. If all the 
world would agree to have free trade, and let the Vv^ants of Gov- 
ernment be raised by direct taxation — this vvould equalize the 
people of the vvorld everywhere. He that v^^ouid work the cheap- 
est, would furnis'i the market, and competition v/ould regulate the 
labor of the Avliole world, and would, also, regulate the price of 
labor, provision, and all otlier things. In case a scarcity of provi- 
vsion would occur in any other country, it couM then be procured 
by the poor as cheap as it could be afforded in another, except the 
expense of transportation. It would extend one of the greatest 



175 

biessiiigs to the liumaii Linidy of any air;uigem(;iU iliat lias evei 
been introdiiced, so far as ihe blessings of the alTairs of the good 
thinsrs of this life are concerned, it would uiritc the vrcrld in in- 
terest, harmony and love, and make the people of a]l the world 
interested in each other, which is one of the great e^t secmitics for 
friendship ; and if we cciild see tliiiigs as we should, we vronld 
see that the whole world is interested in each other's welfare. Only 
see, when the failures took place amongst the Banks, Merchants^ 
Manufacturers and Capitalists of America, what disastrous effect:^ 
it produced all over the commercial world. Scarcely an individual 
was to be founds but shared and suffered some loss, from the rich- 
est to ihe poorest. And now, the failures and revolutions in Eu- 
rope effect the interest of the v/hole commercial world. This shows 
at once we are all interested and benefited by tlie capital of the 
rich, as well as they themselves. Suppose there had been no fail- 
ures in England nor revolutions in France and elsewhere, it is 
likely we would have got ie?i cads for our cotton. So count the 
difference we have lost between ten cents and that v/liich we have 
received, it vrili shov/ how much the capital of England v/ould be 
to us, and on account of their loss, show liov/ much the loss has 
been to us. It matters not where the capital is or who has it, if it 
is used for commercial purposes, all receive bcnciit from it. It is 
principally the capital of England and France, and the commerce 
extended to other nations, that famishes pay for labor ; thereforcj 
our minds should not be contracted or limited as to see no farther 
than the interests of a little petty State, or even the interests of the 
United States, for the people are interested in the welfare of each 
other over the whole earth. If God had created the earth in any 
other way than he has, I do not see how order could have been 
brought out of so great confusion, as the people of the earth have 
run themselves into. But God has made one portion of the 
world to produce one luxur}^, while another portion produces a dif- 
ferent luxury, and in order tha,t we should be put in possession of 
all the luxuries, God has provided for the benefit of the human 
family, it becomes necessary that commercial intercourse should 
be extended to all portions of the earth. If God had made the 
world every where, to produce all luxmies alike, there vvould have 
J^ccn no use for commercial intercourse with each oilier. But as 



he has made one la^rar;^ to grow ia one part of the world, and an- 
other in a dirlerent part, in order that we may be put in possession 
of all those hixuries, a com::: ' ' ' ;^e is necessary ; and 

whenever we enter into a cci ; . : curse with anynation^ 

our interests becomes united. It opens a door for liglit and knowl-. 
edge being exported^to them, and for the introduction of civiKza- 
tion and rehgion, thus extending it to the nations that know not 
God, wdiich would ]}g of more real value to them, than all tlie 
earthly blessings that could be conferi-ed upon them. Yvliy should 
not the whole v/orld unite in the extension of civihzatioii and 
christian principles? Every one v.^ould be doubly paid for every 
dollar he v/ould lay out, for the extension of the Gospel to the 
heathen nations, even in money matters. So soon as commerce 
and rehgion is mtroduced, they Vvill adopt our manners and cus- 
toms, and open a better market for our labor, by consuming it. In 
that way w^e v/ill get back two dollars for every one v/e pay out^ 
and it would furnish an exemphfication oi that portion of Scripture: 
'• That all things work together for good to them that love God." 
We might take another viev/ of the Tariff and see how it would 
effect us in one or tvv o ways ; although it would be my desire to 
have all the wojid agree to let all articles pass free of duty, thus 
establishing free trade. Yet, as I have shown, it Vv^ould not do for 
any one Government to establish free trade herself alone, because 
it would place the ma.nufatures of a nationin a situation thatthey 
vv'ouid be drove out of market, and w^ould place such a coimtry as 
ours in an unequal situation, and w^ould as I have fully shown, 
destroy the interest of all classes in our country. If w^e introduce 
free trade, we must delay until the balance of the commercial 
v^^orld does the same, and then we could come in on equal compe- 
tition with them. It vrould in re?Jity place all the vv^orld on an 
equality. He that could work the cheapest Vv^ould furnish the 
market, and then competition alone would regulate the whole 
world. I will endeavor to show the people, that in this w^ay, it 
would not require one half the money to pa}" off the expenses of 
their Government, that it does under the present plan of collecting 
it by tariff duties. It has been stated by our southern politicians, 
that it was the cotton grower that paid all the tariff, and not 
the consumer. I wish now to show how absurd that assertion vras 



antl also, show Iiow much mors people pay, wlio consume under 
the plan of the tariff, than tliey would have to paj^ m a country b}^ 
free trade. Yve will suppose a case, if a manufacturer in England 
could aiford to sell a piece of broad-clolh for one dollar per yard, 
he ^\^ould ship it to Aivierica, and Itave to pay fifty cents per yard 
tariif. he would, to make jiiiuself safe, have to sell at one dollar 
and fifty cents, and the] J. only have the one dollar for his cloth. 
The merchant, v>dio liouglit it, instead of l)uying at one dollar, had 
to pay one dollar aiid fifty cents. And suppose lie sold to a coun- 
try merchant, and added t^ventj^-fiv^c per cent, profit, lie vfould put 
tlie profit on as well for what was paid for tariff duty, as the ori- 
ginal cost, which would n.iake it cost the country merchant sixty- 
tvv'o and a half cents on tlie tariiT lie vrould come liome and 
put fifty per cent on what he Iiad paid, which would make tlie 
consumer pay nint3r-t]u-ee ?md three-fourths cents tariff, very near 
double. So y!.)u see, the consujuer really pays niiicty-three and 
three-fourth cents, whereas, if he paj^ed a direct tax, it would be 
only fifty cents. But the i-eason duties have been collected in this 
Vv^ay, to defray the wants of Government, is that people pay in this 
indirect nianner, on an article he wants, an*! as lie gets it as cheap 
as otliers, he is satisfied — not ]<:nowing that a part of tjie price he 
paid weAit to defray tlie expenses of Government. In that way 
Kings, Princes, and Potentates coidd raise large sums of money 
a,nd the people never think they had paid any thing, v/Iien in real- 
ity the}^ had in that Vv^ay to pay all tlie wants of the Government, 
and very near one himdred per cent, more, than if they had paid by 
direct tax. Perhaps there is one other reason, why no other ar- 
rangements have been made b}^ nations for defraying their expen- 
ses, the rich and wise, who have the iiianagement of affairs, know 
if the plan of direct taxes v\^erc introduced, that it v/ould l">e collect- 
ed according to the wealtii of the persons individuall}^, and they 
knew they would have to pay nnich more than the}?- v/ould under 
the tariff. Man)^ a j^oung dandy l\y wearing fine clothing, would 
pay more tariff than many men of v/ealth. J>ut as other Gov-- 
ernments lay on tariff duties to protect their citizens in the market 
of their own country, it would be verj^ bad policy in our Govern- 
ment not to do the same. How could we get along in case of a 
war, if we had no manufactories to make iron, guns, powder, lead 

23 



178 

5^voids, clothing, and all other things we stand in need of. If we 
did not protect and encourage our own manufactories?, ours would 
be a poor dependant Government, and be dependant on otherSj 
whereas, by protecting them, we become that proud and indepen- 
dant people we are. I think in the showing I have made, how 
our interests protect each other, if I have not proved the tariff puts 
forty dollars into the pockets of the cotton planter, I must have 
come very near it. I think I have shown that the consumer, 
wherever he is, pays the tarirT, and the cotton planter only con- 
sumes what he pleases to do, of his ov/n accord, like all the rest of 
the people of the United States. If he does not want to pay any 
more tariff than the rest of the people of the United States, the best 
advice I can give him, is not to purchase any more of the goods 
imported under the tariiT, than the persons who do not raise the 
cotton. I have too exalted an opinion of the cotton planters to 
suppose for one minute, that they are not willing to pay their full 
share. I say these things, that they may reflect and think for 
themselves, and see what absurd doctrines some of our politicians 
have been trymg to force down our throats; but I must acknowl- 
edge that m)^ throat for once was not large enough to swallow such 
stuff. As for the manufacturers of England, they cannot'furnish 
us very much cheaper that our own. And as the cotton planter 
consumes so small a proportion of the article, to what he makes, 
I think he should be the last man, or set of men to complain. 



THE PRINCIPLES AND EHROES OF xlBOLITIONISM^ 

I wiU now pay my respects to my Aholitioji friends, who appear 
to have so much benevolence at other people's expense. I have, 
myself, always esteemed persons benevolent when their benevo- 
lence comes out of their ov,^i purse ; but when they run their 
hands into other people's pockets, before they are willing to extend 
their generosity to their fellow man, I think just as little of such 
people as the next one, if these benevolent Abohtionists are all 
those kind of men, either so naturally, or by being taught so by 
others. But: to all honest ones as have been counselled and de- 
ceived by designing robbers, I wish to undeceive them, for I can- 
not do them justice by calling them any other nam^e. But they 
may think I am mistaken in their true character : I know there 
are very fev/ men, who like the name of robber, and I really wish 
there Vfas none that did deserve it. I am sorry that, in a govern- 
ment calculated to promote happiness and contentment like that 
of the United States, anj^ man, or set of men should, either so 
deceive themselves, or cause others, under their influence, to at- 
tempt to rob people of other States of their domestic riglits, I am 
well assured they cannot, but I am son-y to see tiiem deviate so far 
from the pledges they made when entering the Union. I know no 
)State has pov»^er to pass a law to extend into another State, neither 
has Congress power over the domestic affliirs of any State, but are 
under strict obligation, and bound by their oath to pass acts and 
make such laws as will give full protection, and force any State to 
obe}/ the obligations they have entered ijito with tlie oilier States. 
And as the agreement was that if a servant or person bound to 
service escapes and flees to another State, they sliall be boujui to 
deliver up such servant or person bound to service. Now, all who 
would refuse to obey that obligation, would be guilty of robcllio)) 



180 

or treason against the goveniinent, and all the States would law- 
fully and legally be bound to put down such unlawfrd combina- 
tioUj or traitors to their couutj-y, and according to the Constitution, 
they would be bound to do so. 

1 have been astonislied how men could gain the confidence of 
people, who have the moans of light and knowledge so bountifully 
distributed. aiQongst them, as to choose men to act for tlieni in so 
honorable a station as a member of Congress, who, before he could 
be permitted to take liis seat as a inember, would have to swear 
that he would support and defend the Constitution of the United 
States, and then attempt to make laws in strict violation of that 
Constitution, a,nd ia-ws, too, that Congress has no control over, but 
on the contrary tliey are bound by their oaths to support and de- 
fend the people in those xeiy laws. 

But as tliej v/ish to rob the people of the other States of their 
servants — being sv/orn to support and defend tliem — tliey think 
they V70uld rather undertake to rob under the name of law, as 
perhaps it would be a more popidar plan of robbing, but I should 
like to see where they v/ould get their officers to carry out their 
robberies, and who would give them commissions. I have never- 
been the least alarmed myself at the noise of the Abolitionists, for 
I knew they could do no harm, only alarui a few old ivomen, 
where the iiev/spapers could not often be seen. I knew they had 
no law for their proceedings, nor never could get a.ny, so I ca,red 
no more for their noise, than I would for one old woman (juaiTeli — 
ing with another — it all amounts to the same thing — loirid but no 
rain. 

They pretend it is from religious motives, they have been moved 
which has induced them to think of robbing, and tJiat it originates 
from a benevolent feeling for those servants— that the slave holders 
are committing a great sin, to hold them bound to sei'vice, and 
that it is from religious feelings that they have been induced to 
begin their robberies. It is not a very uncommon way for traitors 
and deceivers to pretend their objects are good, when they v.dsh to 
deceive their fellow man. Such has to be their pretentions, before 
they could get the better portion of tlie community to assist them. 
The first account I have of such benevolent friendship offered, like 
that of the Abolitionists, is the case of the old /Serpent with Eve^ 



, ISl 

jjccausc he envied her of the happiness she enjoyed in th.c jG^ardeii 
of Eden. Eve possessed so mnoh i,^v)odiie.ss, virtue, and loveliness 
of soul, delicfliting in all the creation of God, bcin^^ ^^^d^j>3' herself 
and being delighted in seeing all aromid luippj^, and gloj-ying in 
the happiness of oLhers, as well as he i- own, hov/ is impossible she 
could suppose any thing oneartli coald wisli Iserharin, or destruc- 
tion, particularlj" Xvlioii Le expressed himself in such llatteriog 
terms — that he was licr friend, and that it was his iotenlion by his 
ad\dce to increase and promote her condition, even as a God. Is 
it any wonder that poor innocent Eve sliould be deceived by sucjI 
base flattery, when she knew nothing b-iit injiocence and love? — 
There may be, and I dare say, are niany good and innocent men 
and women, amongst the Abolitionists, v.dio have been deceived by 
those Vvdio received the spirit of abolitionism froni the same Serpent 
that deceived Eve. 

This I will attciiipt to sliou^, and I think I will be aide to con- 
vince any sane man, Vv'ho will only use the faculties of his own 
reason, and this I v/ill do by scripture. The scripture sa5^S5 " ev- 
ery, good and perfect gift cometh from God," — they are and should 
be the only rule and guide for our faith and actions — and ail evil 
comes from Satan, the deceiver both of young and old ; and I 
think lie has kept up his tradv) all the time, ever since he deceived 
Eve, and he lias not v^anted frienxls to help and assist hiui ever 
since he deceived i]inocent Eve — God's best gift to man. 

Let us see whet]ier tiie AJjolitionists obtain tlieir principles from 
the revealed word of God, or fro; li tlie Serpent. In the ftrst place, 
I will attempt to show that tliey have not got their princi])les from 
the revealed word of (^od. If I sboidd be able to do that, as 
there are ]jut two places for tliem to get tlieir principles fi'om, it 
will be eas}^ to judge wliere they got their po^ve^. We will begin 
at the command.nients given to Moses by God liijoself, we dnd in 
the fourth command] aent God enjoined noon tlie peotjle tiie ob- 
servance of tsie Sab])at!i; tJie cor,nnandment says: "Six days 
shait thou lal^or, and do all tliy v^^ork', but tlie soventli day is tlic 
Sabbath of the Lord tliy God, in it tliou shalt not do any work, 
thou, nor thy son, nor thy daugliter, thy man servant, nor thy 
maid servant." Now, when God was iayiisg dovni laws to govern 
men to do rjgiit, if it had been wroog to have servauts, Y>"ould it 



182 

not have beeii as easy for him to have Siiid you must not possess 
servants. Does any christiaD believe, that God did not know as 
well then, what man would do at this day, as he did the day he 
gave the commandments. If it had been wrong, wii}^ not in the 
commandments so instruct the people, instead of laying down a 
law by wjiicli they should be governed. And why did he in anoth- 
er connnandmeut sa}-, "thou shalt not covet thy neighboi-'s man 
servant, nor liis maid servant,'' if it was wrong for people to pos- 
sess them. Those ilbolitionists certainly covet tlie servants of the 
people of the other States, and make themselves out wiser than 
God, for in the law given to Moses respecting servants, he com- 
manded that the children of Israel should go unto the Heathens 
3-ound about, and take to themselves servants ; and, also, they 
■should be their servants and their children's servants forever. — 
There was also a law laid down, prescribing diiferent ways by 
v\diich the children of Israel might, themselves, become servants. 
If they became involved in debt, so that they could not pay their 
creditor, he could sell them for the debt : or if a man committed 
theft and Vv^as not able to pay his fine, he was sold and became a 
servant. They v^^ere all redeemable every seventh year, if some 
of their friends thought proper to redeem them. All the children 
of Israel -wei'e to be free at tlie end of every forty-ninth year — 
being the year of jub-alee, except those who, on the expiration of 
their term of service, pi-efei-rcd to live as servants. He was then 
brought before the judges, where he acknryv.iedgcd he loved his 
mastei-, and preferred to be his servant, rather than to be let go 
free. His ear was then bored to the door-pcst, and he was to be 
a servant forever. 

A great num'oer of the children of Israel, who were God's cho- 
sen people, by the very law God gave to Moses, must have become 
servants for life ; for suppose one man beca,me largely indebted 
to another like people do at the present daj^ and would be sold to 
pay that debt, and liis friends would not redeem him at the end of 
seven years, and perhaps he had been sold at the commencement 
of the fifty years. Suppose at that time his age was thirty, before 
the next jubalee or forty-nhie years would transpire, be v/ould be 
eighty years old, an age vdiich few men reach, he v*'ould then be 
in a bad condition to commence making a living. 



183 

According to that calculation a vast iiiiriibcr of tlie cliildren of 
Israel must have spent a large portion of their lives in servitude ; 
and according to and hy that very law, God himself directed 
Moses to govern the children of Israel, notwiiiistaiiding he com- 
manded the children of Israel to go and take to themselves slaves 
of the HeatlieJis round-ahout, and they should be their servants 
and their children's servants forever. 

Now, the commandment spoken of, was not to go to any one- 
particular heathen na,tion, but to the heathen nations round-about. 
The scriptures say God is unchanga'Dle in his will or lav/s. When 
or where has he, by any rule or comniandment, changed and al- 
tered this law, or is it only the abolitionists, who are trying to 
alter and change this lav/, or when or v/here did they discover 
God was wrong and they, themselves, right. When did they be- 
come wiser than God. If they prove to be liars, v/ho may they claim 
for iheYnfather. ITe are. told that Beelzebub is the father of lie?„ 

I think I ha-ve shown clearly that they have not got their princi- 
ples from God's revealed will, but from the Old Deceiver. Let us 
look a httle farther into the matte]-, and see v/hether God has coun- 
tenanced people in possessing servants throughout the whole page 
of time. We read of Jol), who possessed a great many servants 
and a vast amount of riches, when God spoke to Satan, and chal- 
anged him, if he had found so just a man as Job in all his travels 
to and fro, all over the earth. Satan, v/as not v/illing, like the 
Abohtionists, to ovvm any one was right, attributed it to the manner 
in which God had prospered him and blessed all his endeavors and 
every thing he had, and told God if he would afflict him, he would 
cure him to his face. To prove to Satan that he was a liar, he 
told Satan that all Job had v/as at his disposal, but he should. not 
touch his person. After Satan had destroyed all Job possessed, 
he still blessed and praised God. Afterwards God suffei'ed Satan 
to afflict the body of Job, he still remained upright in lieait. The 
Scriptures tell us, that God restored to Job his health, and as a 
blessing he increased his children and riches, so that when lie died, 
he had more children, servants, and camels, than he had at the 
time God permitted Satan to afflict him. If it had been a sin to 
possess servants, Avhy would God have added to Job so large a 
number as a blessmg ? I suppose the Abolitionij^ts will say it is 



184 

not a blcssbis: ! but shall \^"c ])e!ieve tlieiu, or God ; I know for one 
whicli I will bcijcvc. If it had been acrij-^ic for Job to have pos- 
sessed serv^iRts, wj'iy did God cliallaniie Satan, whether he could 
find any fault in Job? God ^.vas not so narrow cited but that he 
could see all t-ie fold ts that could be h!TMii:;!it a [gainst him! If 
owning servaiils had [jceu a crimej I think Satan ^vas smart enough 
1") have foui'jl it oist, and ]iave jirought it up as a.cibne against him. 
It seeijis. at iiiat time nci^ici- Satan nor God knew it was Avrong. 
It has all Ijcen left to tliosc wise Abolitioni-.ts of our da^/.to inform/ 
God andSataiuandpolnt out a new ?»inthat had escaped tJieir notice, 
in tbe da3"s of Jo!\ It a: pea ai tJio daysof A!)raha]n. it was 

not knowji to be a sin. for t,o u,../ jd mam- servants, some were 
born servants itihis own iKxuse, others ^^vere l^ought with his mone)^^ 
God speaivS of Idrn as tiie father of tiio faithful, ^^^ gives him a 
pronnse tliat tln-ougli ] rim ah the natiojis of the earth siiall be 
Idcssed.. Do \\ e fiud in any place where God reproved him, or 
any one else, or foundifosilt to tJiejn for owninc^ servants. There 
is not one word offuiit neitlier iii tlie Old or Now Testament, if 
tliere vrixs, it vaouid be a perfect contradiction, ])oth to the Com- 
inandmerits giveii by (^odj,o Moses, andtiie law given to him for 
the regulation of servants, and would, also, ])e a contradiction, 
or change in. God to do so after coinmanding the (JJiildren of Iseral 
to go and talcc unto themselves of the heathen round abou.t, and 
say unto them, that tliey should l)e their servants, and their chil- 
dren's servants for a posaession foi-ever. Isa.ac, Jacob, David, and 
8oloman, and abnost all the favoreil of God, were tlie owners of 
servants. Our Saviom' acknowledged lie had finislied the 
work God bad given liim to do. He nevQr said on.o word against 
peoj^e ownii^g servaiits, but on t] ic contrary exhorted servants to 
be obedient to tiieir masters, and Jiot serve tlieju as e^^e servants, 
but servo them fad ttrfnlly. Many exhortattions of the same kind 
Vv^ere extended to the servants ])y the Apostles. If it had been 
wro]ig, \voukl not l30tli the Apostles and our Lord and Saviour been 
comndtijig a sin to have encouraged it in that ^vay, vdthout ever 
giving the world a siiigle hint that it ^vas wrong. It would from 
this view, seem that Christ and Jiis Apostles, or the Abolitionists, 
one or the other must l^e wrong, for the directions of the Abolition- 
ists are teaching right to the revei'se to what Christ and his 



185 

Ji pasties taught. So I suppose tlie world will be left at liberty to 
decide, wliicli of the two classes tliey will believe. As fov my part 
I can at once decide in favour of the revealed Vv^ord of God, without 
paying" but very little attcntiou to tlie revelation of man. If the 
kpostles and our Saviour liad encouraged slavery by teaching 
obediance, and knowing at tlie same time, they were encouraging 
sin, would they not have been guilty of sin themselves, for Christ 
promised, ;that Vsdien he went away to his fatlier, he would send 
them the ^comforter, and that it sliould guide them in all truth. 
If the promise of our Savi'i:i" i-. thrt tb.ey should be guided in all 
truth, and he himself " '-.)iirage servants, as vv^ell as the 

Apostles, in servhig tiicir ir j • ■- >^ ";1 say, so to do v/as pleasing in 
sight of God ; if it vras si-^f; '. : -■ \1 it be pleasing in the sight of 
God, or was Christ a".:' ] ■ " --'■ ;/ ^cs guilty of lying, I hope there are 
few Abohtionists hi America or any wliere else, tfiat will say they 
were. 

I hope thepeo::le ofT^e ^';"r'' :s will pardon me far such 

harsh expressio;is, u.:'eJ a', ?!\e i... . .. .Iiis epistle, for I have no 

doubt that there ai'o ma;r/ good ai^l v/orthy men at the North, 
from an error of tb.e heada-.r; ir^'t of tJio heart, have been actuated 
by good motive'^; without kno-vin.-: tlie great evil their course would 
produce, over tiie vrlioie ci'iyCu It b.as been my object to correct 
that error, and to bihig tbe viev,'.; oi' I'lo people both of the North 
and South, and bind tliem no t<]je*b?r, and not to pull one down, 
to build the other upon its r:i'i^s. [ laive taken upon myself to 
corj-ectboth their orroi's, an;l !>hid iheviupon principles of equality 
and justice. To do this, I must c':pe.:e all those errors, which has 
produced so much confusion, disorder, and unplesant feelings be- 
tween the North and South. If there can be any fault or any 
blame intentionally, it must be attaclied to the head politicians, b_y 
their placing false constructions on their arguments of reason. I 
would prefer placing it on the footing, that all who have been en- 
gTcged in aiding and assisting in carrying out those principles of 
error, that it has originated from an error of the head without any 
bad intention of the heart. If so, they v\dil be more wilhng to 
search for the truth, and will thus use t'lcir reasoning faculties to 
correct themselves of their prejudiced errors, already embraced. • 

Iftheir intentions arc to overthrow the Government of the peo- 
ple — established by securing to themselves the au.tbioritv over their 

24 



own Govcniiiieiit, as I have ivhowii, and if really there bhould be 
such a set of desigiiiiJir U'jIiLiciaii^:, wliu wLaed to overthrow the 
people's aiitiiority, a ^ .mment of England 

and by that means Le pet i^ito ci ': uvernors of a Territorial 

Government, and have it settled ^: . and their children a„s a 

hereditary right forever ; if such has been their inccniion, so long 
as they have hopes of success, they \. '" ' " ' j all their in- 

fluence to carry us to the point of re\. L;iiion: vrliichin 

each case would result in the overtlii-ovv^ of our glorious Rcpubhc. 
Tliereforcj I call the attention of the people both of the North and 
South to watch with care and attention the movements of those 
leadhig poliliciansboth ofthu .lest they^ be acting- 

in concert for the purpose of irrUaiing me lechngs of the people of 
the South against those of the North, and those of the North are 
acting the _L ibr the \ .f irritating the people of the 

North agaiii:^L ui^joe of theSc^iL^n, lor the express purpose of over- 
throwing the Governnrent of the people. 

As I think I have proven, both by the revealed will of God, and 
also from the teachings of the Apostles, that it is in accordance 
with the divine will of God for his people to possess servaaits, I 
ill now attempt to show, that the present plan of ovv^ning 
servants is based on a surer plan to protect the laborer, than any 
plan ever introduced in any country- or place, where they pretend 
to object. to our plan — the North and England not excepted. In 
the first place, there is no country or place, but a part of the hu- 
man family have to fill the place of servants in some form or other. 
Where the African is not introduced as servants, the white man 
has to supply his place. I will now endeavor to contrast their 
conditions. We will first go to England, where they say the * 
white man is free, what is his condition? The King can force 
him from his family to war, to fight Vvdiere and v/lio he pleases, 
l^esides he can take the son from the father even against both of 
their wills. The landlords, by stopping the importation of grain, 
when the quantity hnported reduces it to a certain price, by this . 
means they alvvTiys fix a high price on the provisions the laborer 
has to purchase for his sustenance. ■ The great number of persons 
in that country who have to obtain a living for themselves and 
family, in proportion to the persons -who vAsh to hire laljorers, 



places those wlio wish to hire themselves, sol- r:-;;;netiti(jn. 

with each other, that they are generally wiuuig to hire for au 
amount that will scarcely do to support them hoin one day to 
another. We mil suppose a case, which is really true of hundreds 
and thousands both in England and Ireland, wliere a man has a 
wife and a parcel of children, that it takes all he earns one day 
to support hhnseli^ wil^ a]]d children the next day. And suppose 
this was the only means he and his family had for support. Sup- 
pose he vvTis to take sick, he would not be able to employ a physi- 
cian, and no one Vv^ould credit hmi for provision, knoAving it would 
never be in his po^ver to pay them — the man who hired him had 
no interest in hhn farther than to pay him for his labor, nor was 
not bound neither hy the laws of man or God, further than char- 
ity. Many poor families 1^1 tliat country are placed in thai situa- 
tion, and actually die from v/ant ; and many who make out to 
live, just receive such nourishment as will barely keep them alive. 

Now, you see necessity compels them to work for others at 
wo^es on which they can scai'cely support life, and have no one 
interested in their welfare, further than to pay them the wages for 
which they have worked ; and when they cannot procure employ- 
ment, many of them die for want of food. Not so with our ser- 
vants in America, if one of them takes sick, the best of physicians 
are brought to liis aid ; and if he has a. family, all are as bounti- 
fully provided for as if he v/ere v/ell, for the ov/ner is under two or 
three obligations to take care of his servants, besides that of hu- 
manity. It is the master's interest to do all lie can for his servant, 
because he is his property and money, and as interest is one of the 
strongest and most binding obligations that will cause a man to 
act, the servant has all tliose protections, which the laborers in 
England have not, which places the servants, under our institu- 
tions, in a far superior condition to the servants under the lavv^s of 
England. 

It is useless to say there are no bound servants in any country, 
and those who imagine so are mistalien. In all countries people 
are servants, in some sliape or other, and tliere is generallv less 
care taken of hired servants, than tliose wdio are peo})lc's own. 
In those countries where they have to depend on hiring their ser- 
vants, they do not care Iiow hard tlicy work them, or how much 



188 



they are exposed, for if they take sick and die the person who 
hires them does not lose anything: But a man, y\ ho is the owner 
of a servant, it is his interest to treat him well, and not to expose 
his health or endanger his hfe. His interest binds him to ali this, 
which makes it c:i3 of ihe stioiircrc cLIigations, that could be 
brought to bear on our nature. But not so with those Avho hire, 
they have no interest at sta.ke, but to get the most work out of 



IS ]:'2z::i\j[e. Let us see 
wliere they pretend they 



him he can, and pay kkn i:?: Ikilo 
how they manage in the xsortlic:/ 
are all free, and let us see Vvdiat : 
selves, who have to depend en L; 
They all agree anic: ^- '' ": V 
who has left the pL; . 
tificate from the person 
his having worked the t 
he had been faithful to l. y 

quit his employer and run the :::k 
will suiier as much personal ;- ■ - 

in South Carolina Vv'ouid s : 

run away. -.. Besides the men whon 

distance in point of equality, than 

not permit them to eat at the same tc 

fre-side with their lamiiv. ''n 

servants as if they were sia ,oo. 

landlords, for doing as they do ; 

the very nature of the case, compells them to act as they do, for 

self-defence. For instance, suppose a man had one hundred acres of 

land he wished to attend, and had to hire hands to work it, say in 

corn, he would agree with a sufficient number of hands to work 

that hundred acres. Suppose this farmer had provisions sufficient 



- by dov 




among thern- 

: their crops. 

' :: diiy one 

.3 a cer- 


.e last wcri: 


ed 


, certiiving to 


\riiich he ' '■ -' 


1. _ 


'--\ ^ndthsii 


That ir ; 




er than 


cfnot bcL 




- employed, 


■:" .,^,-T K.; -, 




'--:.— ant 
uld 


ii^^y Liie. _.. _ 




: greater 


vre (do ci:i..' 




/hey do 


talle, i:cz ._ 




-3 sam% 


:< -.;:■- ■:..^y ai 


e 


as completely 


..e vv-ouUnnd 


fault vfith those 


Ll willcndea- 


VO] 


[• to show that 



to feed them and horses during the 3^ 



ear, those he hac 



would 



leave liim, all the V/ork they 



stay with him until they had broken up the ground and planted his 

crop, and suppose they Vv^ere then to 

had done, v/ould not be vrorth any thing to him, the expense he was 

out both for feed of man and horse, vrould be a loss to him. But 

suppose those, who had hired their time to him, should discover 

his situation, and threaten, if he did not 

they v/ould leave him, and in that 



liicm nigiier wages, 
Vv^ay the}^ might extort vrages 



I n '^' 


they 


would 


iiav 


•G to depend 




:.om^ 


e such 




ipoii. 


Such 



189 

from him, that hs never could be proiited by any 
do for iiiin. Self-protection compels all, v/hcre in 
on hiring servants to work on their 

arrangment to protect themselves froiii ^: - . 

arrangements makes them really as much irieir servants, wliiie in 
their employ, as ours are, whom we buy v-ith our money. This, 
I think, clearly proves that there is no portion of the earth in which 
slavery does not exist in some shape or other. 

In Mexico, where they pretend they have annulled slavery, there 
the very worst of slavery exists, for ii one man becomes indebted 
to another, he has power under the authoiity of the lavv^, to make 
him work for him, until he has paid the debt ; and I have been 
told they generally charge him so much for the provision begets 
from his master, that scarcely any cf them ever get free again, so 
that the cunning and cra.fty amongst them can have as many ser- 
vants in that way, as they may vrlsh, yet they pretend no slavery 
exists amongst them. 

I think I have shov/n and proven, that servants or slaves, v/hich 
ever people choose to call them, are the same in substance ; and I 
think I have shovvUi that our servants are in a better condition, as 
it regards protection and health, and from hard labor, and in their 
supplies of provisions. Besides all these, they are exempt from 
war and from the troubles and cares of providing for their own 
wants — that trouble and care re&ting wholly on the master. I 
consider them the happiest people on earth, for they never have 
any of the cares and troubles that the losses of this v/orld bring 
their masters. If a horse, hog or cow dies, it never disturbs their 
minds in the least — they know that the burthen of supplying tlie 
loss rests on the master, and they are as happy at such times as if 
nothing had happened. In case of a bad crop, it never distresses 
their minds, and when they do their duty to their owners, there is 
nothing to disturb them. From my own knowledge of their con- 
dition, so far as the affairs'of this world are concerned, they arc 
the happiest people on earth. The labor they have to perform 
only makes them hardy and heaUhy, for they are never oppressed 
wdth distress of mind, unless they bring it on theinselves by steal- 
ing or- some other improper conduct. Not so with us, who call 
ourselves free. There are so many things to bring trouble on our 



smartest 


\ ' 




who crin 


OG ' 


ih: 


gift of 1,11' 


. p. 




smartest 


vi: 




others jir( 


"; '^'l 




might be 


em 


\.. 


far which 


jlI^ 





190 

minds — the desire to be as rich as others, or riclier if we caa — get 
to wear ihie clothiag" — ri:;lc iu h.: - ' ■; hu'cs, and have ilae houses 
and Hiie f--'T' ■'"'•:;- '■ "icol <;ur ; " " ' :\— or to be called the 

to hav.: . test running horse, or 

a; id wiio can fiQt the best orlice in the 
; '^ps. wiio can p;ot tiie prettiest nud 
: too. Ail these things and many 
^se we call free ;;.a, '. o^-d many others 
'i it would be useiess to mention, and 
• c:ires iior never thissi'-s of. Many 
disappoiiitiiieuts ^vihc:: ■ ■■ s..^':' ;: a^d attempts to 

accoinphsli ah tjicse t^ ■ :i .^ije-.t many we call 

freemen, are coiitinii;: a, a _: ; , aj like mind and w^eary 

hody and legs. All the^e perraexiag oijjects are thrown out of tho 
African's reach, so tJiC}^ are never even a, temptation tohisvashes. 
Besides, tlie law has placed his master in as high authority to pro- 
tect his servant as hiias::^ and no r : : interrupt Ihm, unless 
he commits an oiicnce, a^id then if .....^ ...aster chooses, he dare 
not abuse him, only b}^ ]?av. 

I think I Iiave shown that tiie plan u]^on which servants are 
held in the United States, is the best plan to protect the laborer of 
any other in the vrorld. 

I wish next to attempt to show tiiat the introduction of the Af- 
rican in the United otatos, iais ]}een Ci!e of tlie greatest blessings 
both to themselves as iiidividuais, and also to the whole human 
family, perhaps of any other circumstance that has ever occurred 
on earth, except the establishment of our Republican form of 
Government ; and I think I can show, that it is the worlv of Hea- 
ven to brhig about mush good to the whole human ianiihT", and is 
perhaps one of the greatest eiigirLCs using to accomplish tlie great 
work of the iainenniuai, so much looked for aad desired by all 
the good and wise. This^ I suppose, at first view, wall seem im: 
possible to the al^olitionists ; but let me now try and see how the 
thing will work. In the first place, I will endeavo]' to show the 
great advantage t* S3 ab'' -:': ^'-b;. -b :'x ' -' [^ - " ' 
America, they wcrbb b: a 

shiping idols, and dcstitate of all regard for tijc rights of one an- 

nly pi-cdouiinant principle that 



191 

ruled and g-ovei'iied tlieir whole nadire, Oi-y cared not how Jiuich 
others sufibred, if they tlieitiselv- Mh:;; so sit- 

uated them tliat they had no sc; , li';niiy, nor 

property. . They were divided : . v/ ho ruled 

and governed certain parcels all o\oi: hk . iiarsy one of 

those chiefs were to establish ^—^^ ■ ■ ' - ' '■idiistry, ' 

so as to hve in a more hon: : around 

him, and he and his sul:yiects would incrixiso in v::'-Mil\ -^r p-cjity, 
it would only prove a tc---'--^'-- --■ ■^>- — • - •••-ii;d to rob bun, and 
perhaps a company uii:. o^e (-llier chief would 

break in and kill a larg. '' allthcy 

had. This placed '•'■ ^ /uid iiave no 

hopes of • ever bette.: . aLo, so circum- 

stanced that they wero ^ ' ' vAi of oli tho n:caiis of light 

and knowledge of the liv'.i^ o,..^.. . ' '- - •'■ "•• do::-c ]aia Ijccn no 
plan devised to extend to them t::r . '1 ]:c dcrir;(ures 

say : '-He that believeth sho ■ ;o lL,at Ijelievclli not 

shall be dammed.'' They aio.. ...^ . ■ .,.._,., ^ihail they believe in 
him of whom they have not heard, or how sliall they litar v-^ithout 
a preacher, and how will (jiey ]3reach unless they be sent." At 
the time the Africans w^ " ; '-•'^^^aht to America, to become servants 
to the people of God, : : s no means provided to send the 
preached word to them, and taking that view of the su'dcct, they 
were in a deplorable condiiicn. A:sl have said beibi-c, men will 
hardly be brought to act in any way unless tliey ca,n be made in- 
terested. In addition to this, those Ahdcans were takcii priscnei's 
and would have ])een doomed to deatJi, had not tlie Airican trade 
been introduced. Tlie oriesticn is, has their case been made Ijctter 
or worse I ' ' ' : ^ i more or less 

secure? ':....... ;...,._, ....... m .. : '' . -re not secure 

neither in life, liijcrty; nor |^rcp Imowledge of 

the true and living God, and at tlia^t time little prospects of ever 
having it extended to them. When they Avere brought to America 
they Vvxre secured in life and a sufficient property to support life on, 
for the law has provided that they shall l^e supported in food and 
clothing, not only in their young days, but has provided, that if 
they become old, so as not to be able to support themselves by their 
work, their masters shall su?>[)ort them. Ecsides tliey are protected 



192 

from the danger and exposure of war. They have been brought 
to aland vrhere the light and knowledge of God is so great that all 
may know' him, from the least to the greatest. I have no doubt 
but it lias been the means by which ui?.ny has embraced rehgionj 
and has been the means of oahw^ion to v! Is, which will be 

of more importance to them, than if they ;;:;: :^ained the whole 
world and lost their own soul. As far as Dhii-e Revelation has 
made known to in an. their case would have i3een very hopeless, 
Iiad they never been broaght to America ; for the Sc]-ipture speak- 
ing of the beasts amd false ^ prophets, says : '■ They shall go down 
to perdition wdth the nations tliatknovrnot God." It appears that 
the nations that know not God, are numbered wdth the beasts and 
false prophets, this is according to revelation, wmich leaves the case 
very doubtful w-ith those wdio know^not God. And the Scriptures 
say : " How^ can they believe in him of wdiom ihej have not heard 
and how can they hear without a preacher." And as there was 
neither preacher nor a chance for a preacher to reach their case in 
Africa, I ask''the question, could any greater blessing been conferred 
on them than to be brought to a land, v/here that light and knowl- 
edge could be extended to them, by wdiich their souls could be 
saved from perdition, and their life safely protected to them, which 
in Africa w^as not secure ? 

It appears to me that in the wdsdom and goodness of God, in 
laying dowm a system, rules and regulations for the owiiing of 
servants, that he has made it the interest of his people in America 
to buy . those poor, miserable, and destitute beings, that he might 
i-edeem^ them from the punishment of death at the time of their 
capture as prisoners. That He w^ould by the means appoint- 
ed in Flis w^ork, redeem many of their souls from perdition, 
v\"hich w^ould be one of the most unspeakable blessings that could 
be extended to them. If the Abolitionists had discovered the true 
Vv^orks of God in extending His blessings to the human family, and 
attempted to reconcile our servants, wdth those viev/s, I am much 
of the opinion, it w^ould have been much more agreeable to the wdll 
of God, wdio is the giver of every good and perfect gift. But their 
course has been to the contrary, I have been told it was never too 
late to do good, I hope in future they wdll do right. 



193 

I mig'lit say mucli more to the pui'pose on this siil^ject. but I 
ihiiik sufficient has been said, to convince any sane man or woman 
who has not ceased to use the faculties of their own mind, and 
suiTer others to govern it by flatteiy. I think a true repubhcan 
will always think for himself, at the same time listen to the reason- 
ings of others, and always be proud, when by the assistance of 
other's reasoning, they have been able to overcome error. It is by 
this wa}^ we can become useful to one another, for no one man has 
all the knowledge in himself that is in the world, it is divided 
amongst us, perhaps Vvdiat one man does not know, another does. 
Two great and im])ortant advantages the press performs, are, 
knowledge can be cojumunicated to each other through it, also, 
knowledge can be preserved and retained by it. 

I think I have fully shown tiiat by bringing the African to Ame- 
rica, a great favor and blessing has been conferred on them, and 
that their condition has been promoted above those who have been 
left in their own country, this I thinli no sane man will deny. 

1 will attempt now to show that the v/liole world is now and will 
be blessed more by this institution, than any that has been intro- 
duced, except "the present plan of our Republican Government.— 
And attempt also, to show that the tv^^o things are at work to- 
gether to promote the greatest blessings to the liuman family, that 
has ever been introduced in ancient or modern times. 

Let us see, in tiie fust place, how the labor of those servants 
operates in the world — -for example, suppose I, witli tlie labor of 
those servants, make one hundred bags of cotton, let us see how . 
many may be interested in that cotton, I might hh"e a persoii to 
haul some of it. furnishing him with employrxicnt, for which he re- 
ceives pay, ennabliiig him to procure a better living. I would 
a.lso furnish euiploymcnt for a boat, the owner of which would 
also be benefited in Ids means of living. The merchant, who 
purchases, say in Hamburg, S. C , it furnishes employment by 
which he makes a hving. It furnislics employment for drayiug, 
and receiving and furv/arding. AV hen it would reach Charleston^ 
weighing, drayage, receiving and foru^arding would again take 
place, which woidd furnish employment for otliers. Then it might 
be shipped to England, there go through the same process of re- 
ceiving and for v;ai;diDg, and perhaps, commissions for scllin-^-. It 

25 



194 

would perhaps next go to tlic man ufac Liners, where il uouul fiu- 
iiish eniployment for a great iiuiiiber of individuals, who would 
actually starv^e to deatli, were it not for the employment this cotton 
was the means of furnisliing, so tliat. 5'ou see, it actually saves 
the lives of a large portion of the people of England. Had those 
servants not been brought to America, and the raising of cotton 
not introduced, what would have become of the poor in England 
cmd Ireland. So you see. God's providence in first saving the Af- 
rican's lives, by l^ringing them to America, it also becomes a means 
in His hands of savuig and " preserving the lives of hundreds in 
England and Ii'eland. Tlie blessiug does not even stop there, 
when manufactured, it furnishes a vast numl^er of merchants 
with employment, Ijy which they accumulate princely fortunes. 
It fLunishes a great amount of shipping, and large numbers of 
men to manage them. The great improvement in manufactur- 
ing the cotton article, and tlie beauty vrith which they decorate it 
with prints, and the cheapness for which it can be sold, makes it 
an inducement not only to all those A\'ho have entered into a com- 
mercial intercourse with us, England, France and others, but it 
but it will be an inducement for all heathen nations to trade with 
us. And whenever commerce is extended to any nation, it will 
induce her to foil in with oiu" manners and customs, and v/ill open 
a door for the means of light and knov/lcdgc of the true God to 
be extended to them. 

Interest is the great lever with which to operate on man, 
•l-o make him act. Now, in a commercial point of view, in making 
cotton, and all other employments mentioned, every man is induc- 
ed to act by and for his own interest, yet you see the overruling of 
'God's providence, how nicely he vrorks all tilings together for good 
to those w] 10 love him. When man thinks he is wise, when he 
orily looks at one side of the question, he may soon be led to see- 
himself a fool. 

From those olxservations you will see what great blessings have 
been extended to the Africans, whose lot has fallen among us ; 
also, the great blessing God has conferred on the Avorld, first by 
saving their lives, and now answers as a means under His provi- 
dence, in keeping so man)?- in employment by which the lives of 
iliousands are preserved from starvation. In addition to that by 



195 

aiding ami asslGtinj commerce, it will l^c a groat means in tlio 
hands of God in helping the moie speedily to carry civilization 
and cinistianity over tlie whole earth. For instance, suppose we 
were to discontinue tins institution and plan of" servitude, what 
would become of the poor in England and Ireland / Wliat a vast 
number of shippers, mercliants, and laborers, woidd ])e tbrown 
out of employment — what distress, dcatli and calamity woidd be 
produced over the whole eartJi — would it not at once destroy those 
great prosperous times? — would it not bring such troul)le and dis- 
tress upon the earth as has never been.^— would it not destro}^ that 
great and glorious prospect, that seems to be making rapid strides 
to the happy extension of the Gospel to all the nations of the 
earth? — would it not have the effect to destroy all friendshij), 
which commercial intercourse has secured ? Tlie wise and intel- 
ligent portion of the cojnmunity have discovered, that there was 
more to be gained b}^ a friendly commercial intercourse with each 
other, than possi)>ly could be gained by war and plundei'. 1 think 
the loss the Vv^orld would sustain, could not be calculated by mone}^ 
[t would, perhaps, be less loss to the people, who own them, tlian 
the other countries, because they miglit live without them, l)ut it 
would prod lice such stagiiation in business none would escape 
without injury. 

Now if the devil discovered all those l)lcssings about to be exten- 
ded to the human family, l>y the lal)or of those servants, is it any 
wonder that he woidd bunt up as many Abolitionists as possible 
to his aid or assistance to overthrow those institutions he discovered 
was about to do so much good— his power so much harm — for I 
have no doubt he discovered, from the signs of the times, that bis 
power nmst soon give way, for light and darkness cannot dwell 
together, and his is darkness, deceiving and keeping the darkness, 
and the means of light and knowlcdg<' is improving and advanc- 
ing so rapidly over the world, both in tlie speed of conversance in 
all mercantile pursuits, and also ivi extending knowledge and in- 
formation throng] I the press, and that with the speed of lightning, 
it certaivdy is l>otokening that tlie Miiiennium is at hand. 1 tbink 
from thesljowing I liav(nnad(^, tl^attbe policy and plan of Govern- 
ment we live under, fulfilisdu^ MillemiiunK so far as (Jox^emnuMit 
js conceri)*'d, and Ttbiidv I bavcratried thr point, so far a.s s(a\ices. 



196 

are performed, that our servants are performing' another veiy mi- 
portant part, by keeping- up commerce, and aiding so many in the 
world in supporting hfe, by keeping them employ^!, and I also, 
consider'that commerce will be the first ente^in^• wedf^e to introduce 
friendship. Then it will be the means by which light and knowl- 
edge can be extended. 

As Union has been spoken of so largely both by the North and 
)South, perhaps it might be proper to say something to the North 
on that subject, as I have attempted to show the >South in my 
former views. Suppose there might be no concert between the 
politicians of the North and South, and suppose they were actuat- 
ed from an impulse of feeling with good designs, each party believ- 
ing they were doing right. >Suppose the people of the South would 
not surrender any of their constituted rights, which I am sure they 
v/illnot; and I am one of the last men in South Carolina, that 
would be disposed to ask them to do so, either as to the right to 
settle territory or to own slaves. I say, su])pose the disagreement 
should become so great, that several of the Northern States v*xre to 
withdraAV from the Union, and the Southern States stick firmly by 
it. If that were to be the case, how would these States stand? — 
They would have no Government, and could not legally claim any 
of the property of the United States. The United States might 
acknowledge themxa scperate andindependant Governfnent, if she 
cliose, ]}ut would be under no obliga.tion to do so. Before you could 
apply for such an acknowledgement, j'ou would have to form a 
new Constitution — make a President, elect members to Congress, 
provide IMinisters to reside at all the diiferent Governments, build 
ships, and keep up armies, and be at as much cost and expense to 
keep up another Government, as we have to keep up the present 
one. You would not be entitled to the privilege of liaying free in- 
gress and egress to and from the other States, you could not have 
that right, neither could 3-0U enjoy the privilege of citizens of the 
same State. Perhaps the feeling of enmity might be so great, the 
Southern people would not even suffer 5^ou to pass through their 
State, which in all probabihty would be the case. And perhaps 
they would not enter into commerce Vvdth yon, England might lay a 
high duty on all goods imported into her market, and secure the 
trade to her own manufacto]ies— depriving you of a market for 



107 

all yourniauuiacturcs, Tlienc tliiiif^:^ arc iiat iiiipossibloj nor yet 
improbable, their interest would lead tlicm to do so, aod the na- 
ture of man g'eneraliy rules him l-y interest, particularly wlicre it 
is not disIioaora1}lc to do so. When you sliould wish to raise mo- 
ney to pa}^ the expenses of Government, wi.uit would you lay du- 
ties on to raise such iai'ge sums of money ; and what would ■ you 
gain by withdravvdng h-oni the Union. i\ll the public property 
Vv^ould belong to the Government of tlie United States, nil the 
shipping belonging to tlie navy would be tlicirs, tlie arms and am- 
munition, and all tlie fortilications, which they would be very 
foolish to give up. Where would there be anything gained by 
such proceedings. The people who encourage anything like this, 
are either fools, or no friend to the pco^ilc or country. Tliese things 
I Vvdsh to lay before the people, that they may not be deceived, 
neither at the South or North. Knowing that the people are the 
true sovereigns of this Government, it is to them I direct ray views, 
that they may not, through ignorance, be robl^ed of their rights 
or liberties by the politicians, neither of the North or South. Those 
til at would withdraw from the Union, either at the South or tlie 
North, to say the least, which would not be the worst, would de- 
prive themselves of ah those important riglits and liberties secured 
to them b}^ the Constitution — be deprived of all claim to the pr.b- 
lic propert}^, and so expose tliemselves tliat the ]}aiancc of the Uni- 
ted States cordd declare war against them, the same as any otlier 
nation; whereas, if they remained in the Union, they could not, 
but w^ould be bound to protect and defend them. 

Y/hen any politician reconnncnds Disunion as a ren^edy uiidcr 
such a Government as this, tlie people should discanl liim at once, 
and may mark him down as a fool or mad-man. Soloiuon seemed 
to think there was moie danger in those kind of men than any 
others he met with. J ]y these vievv's, the pcovtlc luay see tliere 
would be a great deal lost !)y withdrawing from tiio Union, but 
nothing to be gained. 

I wish no^^ to say a few words about the name given to the 
Northern and SouLtbern States — the one is styled Free States, 
while the other is termed Slave States. I t.lnnk 1 can inake it 
appear their titles are mis-applied — it is something like the (.^allio- 
lics calling the true Christians heretics, v,'ben tbey, themscives, are 



198 

tlic hcrcticr, Tlio iniz name of (,lie Nortlicni States arc restricted 
Statesj douviiig the citizens of tliosc States tiie right to own ser- 
vants, vrliicli I liavc*. {)tov(Ni hy the won] and commandment of 
God to be allow ai)!<\ Thr. hue name of those States, which pro- 
tect their citizens in tiic lii)eif,y of o\vnin<^ servants, are free 
States. 

Let m>c say to the citizens of every vState, that yon are not free 
where yon are deprived of owiiing any property, that God has 
allowed man to own. Yvlio lias assnmed the riglitof depriving* 
yon of those liberties, which it is yonr ri,^;ht to enjo)' '/ It is 3''onr 
Legislators, w!io have assmned tliis sovereign control over yonr 
rights, or else yon yonrseh^es have I >een blinded by false reasoning, 
so as to giveyom- Legislators power in yonr Constitution to con- 
trol the will of the people, wliicli would not leave yon free, bnt 
restricted States. I comciid, if a State or tlie people of a State are 
free, they can own wliatcv<M- proijcrty they clioose. The States, to 
settle all difficnlty between themselves, shonld not have any restric- 
tions whatever, and those who did not vv'ish to ov.n slaves need 
notpnrchase them, those w^ho did, shonld enjoy tJjat jnivilege, or 
he is deprived of that mnch liberty. Congress has no right consti-' 
tntionally nor morally, to say a tei-ritory sliall or shall not be settled 
])y citizens who possess servants, or those tliat ovrn none. The 
territories are the common jiroperty of the people of tlie different 
States, and the people of every State liavc the right to settle and 
occnpy any part of the territory so ovvaied, and a right as an indi- 
vidn^to move his property wdien he pnrchases a right to the soil 
and pa3^s Congress the price agreed upon. Congi'ess is only an 
agent agreed npon by the people of all the States, to ^ix Vv'hat price 
they slionld consider jnst — all tlie citizens being equally interested 
in the price and valne coajointh^ So 1 say, whenever a citizen 
of any of the States pnrchases the joint interest, that all the citizens 
have in that land, it becomes his, and no one else has a riglit to 
exercise lordship over him or his land. He has the sole right to 
occnpy and ovvai what lie pleases on it, and is not a free man if ho 
conld not. Congress has no control ovei- it any longer. Bnt 
owing to the obligations nnder which the people have bonnd them- 
selves in their Coustitntions to protect and defend each other, so 
soon as a territory is incorporate*] iu the IhiioU; the peo]>le of all 



109 

t'le Stal.cs aic hoMiid to pioi.cct those of (lie ferrilory. Congress is- 
bound to protect the people of a territory, !)0!h auuinst loreij^ii and 
domestic violence — Congress has the rip.ht to -:rpj)oint a Goveraor^ 
perhaps some Judges, for th^e purpose of extending- onieis through 
for the security and })rotection of the people. This is alx)ut all or 
nearly all the power tliey have. But 1 have shown so often l)eforej 
the maimer we have to test tJie authority of our agents, wns by 
refusing- to o1>ey such laws as \vc conceive ihey had no authority 
to make, and have them tested before tiie United States Court. As 
the Constitution has made them tJie lavvful cirljiters, between us 
and our agents.they can protect us at once, against any usurpa- 
tions they might attempt. As I have said, it is as reasonable to 
suppose there should be a lawful arl titer appointed to settle disputes 
between us and our agents, as between ourselves, as hidividuals. If 
the people had no such a remedy to resort against usuj-pations they 
migjit attempt, and had nothing but counter-legislation to protect 
us. it would make our agents the sovereigns, which is not the case 
in our Government. But should those bigoted Abolitionists refuse 
to exercise the faculties of their leason, and still believe the old 
Deceiver in opposition to the word of God himself, Avhich I have 
shown, or they can be seen in the Old and New Testament, which 
contain the word of God, there might l}e some scpral)l)le in the ter- 
ritories about owning servants. I contend that neither Congress 
nor tlie Legislature of a State lias no other power that what is ex- 
pressly granted in their Constitutions. Yv hile a Legislature is* 
acting in a territory, they have no power to make any other laws 
than such as will extend to the protection of person and property.. 
They have no power to restrict or restrain a citizen from occupy- 
ing any portion of the unoccupied territory, because he is a joint 
partner of the Uiioccu})icd part of the territor\7-. If he was to pur- 
chase the joint interest of twenty miles s([uare, and settle it with 
servants, would not that soil and servants ]3e liis own pro])erty. — 
Could any power on earth justly or lawhdly say to that iruhvidual 
on his own soil, and in the possession of liis own projierty^, you shall 
leave your soil — you shall not live in this State — we will take- 
those servants you possess from you. Couki|they claim even the 
shadow of a right to do so. Suppose a citizen v/ould claim protec- 
tion in the United States Court, could tliere be one judge in thaS 



20D 

» 

couilj wlio would decide agaiost iLat ciiizen's riglit, I tliiiik there 
is not one baseenoiigii to do so. But suppose there Liiiould, there 
w^ould be an appeal taken to all the Judges of tlie appeal court of 
the United States. 

1 think the best pkm is, to disregard any compromise Congress 
made, they had no authorit}' from under the Constitution, so they 
liad no more right to make a compromise that I liad. But I will 
make this compromise for tiie people, if they will agree to it. Let 
every man possess servants that wishes, and is able to own them, 
and let him live with them in, any State he pleases, and then there 
will be no restricted States in the Union. They will be free re- 
pu])lican States, ever}^ one eating and drinking under his ov.m vine 
rmd fig-tree ; and tlien all will be as free and ecpaal in my opinion 
as God ever intended they should bo. 

We see in the creation of men, some seems born for one purpose, 
others for a diQei-ent. The mind of some oien leads them to follow 
one employment, while others wisii to follow a different. Some 
mechanics, some farmers, some sailors, some doctors, some lawyers, 
somemerchanis, and some statesmen. It regoires all those occu- 
pations to make man useful to his fellow. In the exercise of their 
mental powers, men diiTer very much in the gift, yet God is the 
giver. In tho pliysioal powers, there is ^Isa, a great difference iu 
the gift. God has ordered all tilings right, both for the g'ood of 
man, and His own gioiy. ^^lienever men begin to alter his 
rule of government, they make things niuch worse, both for them- 
selves and others. This seems to be what the Abolitionists are at 
ail the time. They had better read the moral of old Jack Easy, 
it might prove useful to them. For after he had exhausted all his 
skill in making a-11 men free and equal and failed, in his attempt 
to benevolence, he became at last a great Phrenologist, and then 
he discovered where he had been Vvorking vrroug all the while, 
Ijut concluded that he could invent a machine that could make 
those bumps, and press the head so as to shape them all right, and 
still make all men free and equal. Tlie first he tried with his 
machine was a notorious thief. His confidence in his machine 
secured the thief froidlhspicion, so he played a heavy game- on the 
old man, by steallng™om him. He at last concluded he himself 
had rather too much benevolence, and he would fix his press on 



201 

his own head. Bat- as he ccnsktered it the iiivention of an exalted 
characteiyheconchided he Y>x-iild raise it to some height off the 
ground, so that they liad to stand on a'hench to get their head to 
it, so the old man gs.Ye it a pretty hard screw upon his head, at the 
same time #ie l^ench turn'oled over, no_ one being- present, the old 
man himg until he was dead. He was thefcrsi man I ever heard 
of trying to make all men free and equal, and the Abolitionists are 
the last. But they will Iiave to fall on old Jack Easy's plan, before 
they can affect their purpose, and invent a machine to make all 
heads alike, "but I would advise them first to take honest Old Jack 
Easy's plan, try it on themselves first, and see how it will work, but 
I vrould advise to take warn:" - ^ :.ithe old man Jack, and not to 

extend it too high at the star. \ .me of you might get hung. 

, I thmk I have full}^ shown that our plan of ov>^ning servants has 
placed the laboring class, at, least the African, in a situation to be 
protected on a better footing for good treatment and for the securi- 
ty of both health, food and raiment for themselves and families, 
than amy plan existing in any other Government, or even ourovvm- 
Not that I would wish any other alteration made in America re- 
specting the white jnan, for my whole ambition in my writing is to 
kIiow that the citizens of the United States are the true sovereig-ns 
and that they are all on an equal footing, from the highest to the 
lowest, and are on a perfect equality, so far as justice is concerned. 
Neither v/ould 1 consent imder any circumstances for that equality 
to be disturbed. 

I think I have shown that, by the v/ord of God, we have a right 
to take of the heatlien round-about and make them our servants 
and our children's forever. And, I tlhnk I have fully shown also, 
that Vvdicn vrc 'noiight them, v:e redeemed them from death, anil 
Kave^ their lives ; also, tiiat they wxre brought to a land of light 
and knowledge, where all could have a knowledge of the true and 
living God, from the least to tiie greatest ; and have no doubt but 
that it has been the means of the salvation of many of tiieir souls. 
According to the showing I have made, of the blessings thq^t have 
and are being bestowed on the whole commercial world, by their 
labor, in the article of cotton alone, has been and is the means of 
preserving the lives of many in England and Ireland. -^ It sccms! 
that their condition makes them similar (o tlic case of Joseph, 



wiieii ii ,- : : : ' docs appear that iic was- 

seat till ^ v I ._, ...... iLliou^li liis brethren sold 

him, God sent him, so tliaC i^ ___ ^ ' .j i_..,dc an instrument in 
His hands, both to sbotV ki^.^ ^, -^ai g^oYy and power and to pre- 
serve the hves of ni.-i.y. • 

It appears to mo il.::t ihoou Airiccms are now, through the instrn- 
mentahty of God, aijoul to penorm a slill greater work, not only 
to preserve the hves of many thousanJo. bat to aid and assist in 
bringing about the IVlilienninm, when all shall know God, from the 
least to the greatest, for there is nothing so well calculated to ex- 
tend commerce to the whole world, as the increase and production 
of cotton, for whenever the commercial v/orkl is glutted, the enter- 
prising disposition ci r :' CI:; : :'an lands is to hunt out some other 
market, amdby ilu.. .._._ .„ ,.^ oiler our manufactured articles so 
cheap, that it becomes an niduccnient to any heathen people to^ 
enter into a commercial intercourse u iili us : and then it furnishes 
an opportunity to extend civilization and religion to those nations 
who knov7 not God. No doubt Satan sees how bea,utifully those 
things are working together for those that love God ; and that if 
all the above mentioned things were to continue to work together, 
his power must soon fall, and discover the ignorance of the people 
of the North in all those matters, hence he would conclude they 
Vv^ere the fittest subjects he could fnid to assist him in overthrowing^ 
this great wc>rk of God, which is about to be established over the 
whole earth, when the kingdoms of the earth shall become the 
kingdoms of God and His Christ. 

Who can doubt but this great work is now accomplishing with 
japid strides. See how many nations are now receiving the word 
of God, and Vvdiat great interest is taken, bot>h by the rich and 
poor, in extending the knowledge of life to the heathen, who are 
perishing for the lack of the knovvdedge of the true and livdng 
God. See vvdiat great improvements have been made within a 
very short time since, for the extension of knowledge to tlie whole 
human famil}^ — it has even surpassed the imagination of man. 
It can be caused to lly like lightning, in a lew moments, to every 
part of America, by the invenli. 'Cdegraph, which is as- 

lonishing to the mind of man. .. .sol conveyance, both 

by land and sea^ have increased wondcrfinly, placing nations iii 



llie relation of neighbors in excliaiir^ui^ lae pro-lviriions and com- 
moditics of tjie earth to cacli other, and placing the wliolc eailh in 
a situation that they become useful one to another ; also, makin^x 
them interested in the prosperity of each other, for when other 
nations are in a, prosperous condition, they arb more a]3le and 
willing to trade with us, and can |)ay us iho more for what we 
]iave to sell. The]-e is nothing so w^ell calculated to preserve 
fi'iendshy^), as to make it our interest to do so. Yf ere England and 
America to go to war, it would almost ruin both coimtries, and 
tlie Av hole commercial world would lie largely injured by it. But 
in my opinion, if the pi-escnt institution of slavery was discon- 
tinued, at this time, and a war to originate on account of it, the 
loss, both as it respects life and property,. to the whole v/orld, oould 
not be calculated. 

If ever there should a time come, when it would be prudent to 
liberate them, it could be done on a much better plan, than rol3- 
bing the owners, as the Abolitionists have proposed. All the na- 
tions of the earth might agree to levy a duty on importations, for 
the express purpose of raising revenue to purchase them ; and 
^ay fix eveiy five years to caj'r]^ them to Africa — th.ose who v^ero 
pin-chased the first year of the five, hired out, and all purchased, 
imtil the last of the end of the fiRh j^ear, and let the monev thus 
j-aised, be eitlier employed in pa3^iiig the expoitatioa, or in pur- 
chasing others. This is a plan by w--'^''^ ^^. /^-iM o.^^-^ r,^ eflected, 
and no man be even compelled to ^ , lie opinion, 

under such a plan, would soon cause all men to gi\T. wa}^ to such 
a cou]-se, when they could get full value for tlicir property. But 
to talk of roj^bing, either under the name of law or without law, 
is ridiculous in an age vrhere the means of light an^knowledgo 
are so a^bundant. J. do not vTmder tliat Mr. Calhoun and his 
friends havelseen so l>oisterous against such proceedings, for if my 
opinion of the remedy was the only and all the one, tliat Mr. 
Calhoun has presented to tlie view of his fellov/ citizens, 1 beheve 
I could hardly have used the same inildn^s r nd moderation he 
has done, especially whentliosc robbers would tell me to my face, 
they intended to rob me and all my constituents. Notwithstand- 
ing I have wrote so much against Mr. Calhoun's opinions, I respect 
him as an Ijonesl nian, b^M-nuse he came out boldly before the 



204 

world with his opinions, and if thoy were wrong he placed ihem 
before the world for correction. And this is my object for present- 
ing my opinions before the world, and I think it should be the ob- 
ject of ever}?- good man. And whether men's opinions are right or 
wrong, Y/iien they give them from good motives, we should receive 
them for what they are worth, receive the part that is right, and 
correct, as a friend, what is wrong. I hope the whole of this work 
will be received in that light. I have not intended persoiml iiijury 
or insult — my whole object has been to give the true coloring to 
principle. There is not one individual in America, who I would 
not be v^illing to support in c / i in ciiice, whose pohtical 

opinions were right, and his . .^...^.„.^.. ^f mind quahfying him to 
fill the station for which he ofiered. 

As I have v/ritten on so many important mattexs, which havo 
agitated the feelings of so la-e a r.ortion of the commmiity, I feel 
it my duty to say something .he obhgation I think the peo- 
ple are under to their servants, and attempt .to show where the 
people are under another great mistake, about not wishing their 
servants learned to read and write, lest it might have a tendency 
to introduce insurrections. In the first place, I will attempt to 
show, that it would not have that effect, but would produce the 
contrary, and would have the effect of correcting many bad practi- 
ces their ignorance naturally lead them to embrace. In the first 
place what is it that mpJres man a sociable and agreeable being, 
and makes him v/illing to regard the rights of others, as well as 
his own? Is it not the principles laid down in the Scriptures, both 
in the Old and New Testaments. As a strong proof of this fact, 
view all the human family in their savage state, they are govern- 
ed by nothing but self-gratixication, v.ithoutany regard to the feel- 
ings or misery it brings on others. But where this Gospel is prea- 
ched any where over the earth, its IdI^.. .It and acknowledged, 

there you will find that the rights of one another are regarded, and 
laws instituted to protect m?ai both in person and property, and 
even from insult, as far as the wisdom of man can devise. And 
wherever you see the principles of this Gospel have influence over 
the minds of men, the more they are secure from injury, both in 
person and property. If this Gospel has had that effect upon the 
hunian fa^mily wherever its influence has extended, why keep it 



205 

from our servants ? If \vc would mako a rule of a Sabbath and 
compel our Negroes to go eitlier to preaching or school, with some 
wliite person to keep good order amongst them, and make it their 
duty to teach them the principles contained in tlie scriptures, which 
are love toward God and man, how much better v/ould such a 
course of teaching be apt to make good servajits, than the way iu 
which we generally raise them ; we sutler them to stroll over the 
fields, tearing and desLro3dng our water-mellons and fruit, and to 
go off out of our control. Idiey v^dlliish, play cards and marbles, 
club up in companies and form plans of stealing, and commit ma- 
ny sinful practices, having notiung but the principles of humaix 
depravity to direct their course. I have wondered many tiniest- 
how theydiappened to do as vrell as they do ; and I do think it a 
great sin on our part to deny them the blessings of reading the-. 
word of God, V\dien, as I have shown, they are so largely inst]-u- 
mental in the hands of God, in extending it to others, and they 
themselves, in part shut out. It is true they have access through 
our preachers, but what a great difference in opinion respecting 
the plan of salvation — all say they get their principles and belief 
from the scriptures. Now, if the servant cannot read the scrip- 
tures, how can he determine wJiicii of those preach the truth. — 
The scriptures teach us that mamy false teachers shall arise in the 
latter days and sliov/ great signs and wonders, so as to deceive the 
very elect if it were possi'ble. Some of those false teachers must 
come near teachilig the true doctrines of the Gospel, so that the 
true believer can scarcely discern where lie is v/rong, where he 
has the chance of reading the word of God for himself. Then, 
Yvdiat has the servant to guide or direct him, nothing but the bols- 
tering noise of man, for it is not every one who preaches, that 
preaches the Gospel, but only those who preach the principles con- 
tained in the scriptures of the Old and Nev/ Testaments. The 
scriptures are the true preaching of God, Clnist, and the Apostles 
appointed by Christ, |)romi,sing that they should be guided in all 
truth — tell them at tlie saiiie time, that tliey need not take heed, 
nor take thought about what they should speak or say, for God 
'would put in their mouths what they should speak. So I say, 
those preachers that teacli or preacli^any other doctrines, than are 
contained in that Eook, preaches their opinions and not the Gospel. 



20G 

By keeping our sf^rvaiits ni ccliool and pveacliinj, wlieii c^rowin^ 
np, I have no Joubl ia my mind but they wosihi make better 
servants, it would throw a great many temptations cut of their 
way, and prevent tiieiii from fpJliug into many bad practices, 
v/hich they often do. ik^sides, we would do our duty and not lie un- 
der the guilt of withholding from them the means of light and 
knowledge, which they themselves are so instrumental in the 
liands of God, in eKtendi]ig to othci-s. And novv^ in order to re- 
move an^v apprehension on account of insurrections being brought 
about, ])y learning our servants to read, I will compare theKing-of 
Eugland, who protects Ids subjects in having full and free liberty 
and access to all means of light and knowledge, except political, 
and the liberty of tlie press in all matters, except in speaking 
against the King and llie laws establlslicd under his authority. 
He has only tv^^o watches and guards— the Landlords and the Mii> 
isters of the established Ciiurch of England. These two watches, 
with the law attached, that, if any man shall speak against the 
King, or any law estal)lished under his authority, the penalty 
should be death, vvdiich secures against any insurrection — and the 
^standing army always being in readiness to put dovrn any insur- 
rection. Those four ruling points secure to the King ample 
power against a.nv insurrection taking place, notvriihstanding lie 
permits them to have free access to ever}?- means of education in 
the world, so much so, that perhaps there cannot be found on the 
globe men of more wisdom nor talent. . 

Now let us compare our powers to prevent insurrections amongst 
our servants. Every American, except tlie foolisli Abolitionists, is 
a watch and guard to protect against insiurections. I would not 
recommend that the}^ be taught to v\u-itc,for that would be an injury 
to themselves, as their time belongs to their master. The only way 
we have of knov'dng vvhen he has left home by consent of his mas- 
ter, is by a written pass. If a servant could write, they would not 
be allowed to pass farther than tlieir masters Iiand writing was 
known. Some miglit suppose, if tlicy could write, they could give 
news from one to another, and by that means aid and assist in an 
insurrection, I think not, for as soon as they would !)egin to write, 
they would be detected, and their vrhole scheme found out. The 
only reason I think they sliould not write is, if tJiey did, it wou'd 



207' 

be piaciiig iheii owiicr under the obliLratioiis of laying down more 
rc«lrictioii« on ihem than wo do, hi ic:_;_u d U> passes. As I have 
shown, there would have to bcaiawnliaLthey cosild not go farther 
than such a distance from liomc with a pass. 1 think 1 have 
shown that tliey have no cL. . c ^ v r i_: i; r u a secret insiirreccionj: 
with the least hopes of succi , * re cocdd be but very few got 
together, and they cook! no:, , .cr ainis or amuuition, nor do 
tliey know anything about dioiplriie, so that any attempt on their 
part would result in utter destruction to tliosc who should attempt 
it. The better they were infomied, the more easilj^ would they be 
convinced ofti., however, are uiy opinions, on this 

subject, and-I leave ■. ..o li.o ' '^. jufliie world to judge whether 
i am right or wrong. I siii.. / K ;vc iliid those robbing Aboll' 
iionista have beeii the greatest ciieiiiics our servants ever had, the 
ovv'^ners had commenced learning tiiem to read, and Vv^ere taking- 
great inlerest in teaching tliem the doctrine of the Scripture, and 
^ soon as wecoinnipnced instructing them to read, as if Satan liad 
moved them to preveut that blessing froui being extended to our 
servants, they commenced sending their iiicendiary books, which 
stopped the poor slave IVom the privilege of being learned to read, 
and the excitement became so great, no strange Minister dai'e 
scarcely speak to a negro. The [H'eachers at home were compelled 
to keep at a greater disiance, Ic, . ould be thought conniving 

with the Abolitioiiisis in their luijuiui^ and nnnxlering designs. 1 
am imnly of the belief, that if the plan of servitude, now existing 
in the United Slates, was dispciised with in any way whatever,. 
even if the servants were, or could be taken awtiy from the people- 
of the South, Vv'iiliout the least compensation for thcn:i, they per- 
haps, would receive tlie least loss of any }>oriion in the w^orld. Tiie 
stagnation it would prodi;ce in trade at the North, in England and 
over the entire conuncrcial world — the vast number of tlie poor 
laborers it wouid throv/ out of einplaymcnt at tlic North— the vast 
amoinit of capital, that woiddbe rendered useless in niaiiiifactures- 
which have been consumed — the loss in England and Ireland 
would be still greater. Suppose all the cotton \\'as lacking which 
those servants could make, what tremendous shortness of employ- 
ment would exist, what a vast nmnber of meichants over the whole 
ulli would lack for goods. It would produce sucli stagnation m 



208 

commerce, in nianufacUiring- and meclianical aris, that it would 
take ages to replace the loss tlie world would sustain. No one man 
would be exempt, but every and alUclasses would be injured, from 
the poorest to the richest, both in a religious, political, and domestic 
point of viev/. All classes, in every country, and land, even to the 
heathen nations, it would retard and delay the extension of the 
Gospel many years. Some might say, we would still have their 
labor if they were free. This w^ould be a great mistake, the only 
idea a negro has of freedom, is to be free from work, a.nd they 
would steal, or do an}" thing but Yvork. Jilany of them would be 
liung for crimes. Their condition is much better, both for them- 
selves and the comm unity Vvdiere they live— all trials that have 
been made, proves the truth of what has been said. 



Tim SYSTEM OP BANKING INSTITUTIONS 
EXPLAINED. 

I will ROW take up another subject, which has created a great 
deal of controversy, dissatisfaction^ and loss too on the people. I 
will in tlie first place, attempt to shovv^ the imperfection of thepres-^ 
ent plan of Banking", and show the people, they have nothing but 
the honor, honesty and interest the bankers have in the banking 
privileges to secure the holders of bills from fraud. For instance, 
those who establish a Bank, secure first the privilege from the Leg- 
islature to have a charter, with the privilege of issuing three dollars 
by way of loan, for eveiy dollar of specie they have in the vault at 
the time they make the loan. Their own agreement to conform 
to their promises, is all the obligation that binds them to the Leg- 
islature. If they transcend their agreement, they:- only forfeit the 
right of the Charter. There is no law, that I have ever seen or 
heard of, that ioilicts any other punishment, nor have I ever heard 
of the laws being forced on any of them for over issuing, or any 
punishment ever inflicted. All their other propert}^ is exempt from 
being liable to make good their bills. The holder of the bills has 
no security, but the one dollar for the three loaned in the country, 
and has not even that security, for the Bank holds that pledge in 
their ouui hands, sOthat the holder of the bills has no pledge, but 
the honor and h0esty of the bankers. Suppose a set of men had 
a Bank, who were disposed to be dishonest, hovv^ easily could they 
defraud the people out of ever}^ dollar they issued, or suppose they 
should employ men to take their bills for thi'ee or six times the 
amount of money they had in the vault, and would employ them 
to lay their money out for land or negroes, or any other property 
ihey might think proper, the bankers might likewise take all the 
v-^ilver out of the vault and divide it amongst each other, sav, vou 

27 ' 



210 

lield bills on the Bank, they vrould refuse tvO redeem their hillsj yoxi 
could proceed against nothing but the Bank. Perhaps the very 
pi-operty 3^ou sold for their bills, might be vrorking on their farms. 
You cannot take it for the bills };ou hold against the Bank. If all 
the property is out of the Bank, you are at the end of redress. 

This is the ilimzy footing our banking institutions are based up- 
on, and leaves an open door to corrupt nature. Amongst the large 
number of banking institutions, few, indeed very few, men have 
been found base enough to act fraudulently, which is speaking 
well for our monied people, and as a very strong proof, that hones- 
ty is the best of poKcies, I think generally speaking, the Banks have 
been profitable both to ihemselves and the people. I am not find- 
ing fault vrith the ovv^ners of Banks, but the fiimzy condition on 
which they are founded. The owners of the Banks have proved 
themselves honest, and honorable men in every sense of the word, 
having it in their power to act fraudulently to a great extent. — 
They have proved themselves above ten;^ptation, and I am proud to 
knov*^, that so large a portion of our capatalists prove themselves to 
be the sort of men they should be. The question then might be 
asked, are you in favor of a paper currency ? I answer that I am, 
and for many reasons. It is an easy manner and way of carrying 
money from one part of the world to another, without the least in- 
cumberance, the weight is never felt, besides a person can carry 
large amounts in checks or bills without being suspected — prevent- 
ing any tem.ptation to thieves or robbers, who might suspect him 
of having money, which makes him much safer when traveling, 
and saves him of such baggage and expense of conveyance. 

The next thing is, can we fix a plan of banking upon such a 
footing that it will at all times secure ihe holder of the bills a surety' 
that the bills vdll be redeemed — making it as safe to the holder as 
if it was gold or silver. It is my object to show ^ Vvdiatplan that 
can be done. In the first place, let the real estate be made the 
Bank-stock, and nothing else. Let the land be valued by men 
chosen for that purpose by the people, and let those men have no 
interest in the land which they value. Let it be valued every five 
years. Let there be a lav/ provided that that land should be mort-^ 
gaged to the State for the redemption of the bills, and that the 
Bank should not be allovred to issue more tha.n one dollar for every 



2U 

fliree the land was worth. Also, pass a law^ that, if they did, the 
officers so issuing- moi-e at any time than the law^ autliorises, should 
besuhject to the penalty of death, the same as for forging a note and 
siofnino^ another man's name ; and I really think it would amount 
to about the same, as it respects fraud, in case the bills were not 
redeemed. This would always secure the holder of the bills from 
an}^ fraud or danger. 

We might go further and alter the Constitution of the United 
States, and say that the bills of all Banks, based on that ground 
and footing, might be made a legal tender in payment of debts, 
the same as gold and silver, because every dollar would be secure 
by the value of three, and that by property that could not be re- 
moved. 

If such institutions as those w^ere established over the United 
States, and the Constitution altered, that the bills of such Banks 
should be received in paj-ment the same as gold and silver, I would 
not be surprised, if they would pass to all the commercial world, 
the same as gold and silver, Besides, it w^ould make the val^e of 
the soil the representative of the value of the commercial world, 
and would also give the'pianter the advantage of raising an in- 
terest on a portion of his property, that has always been dead 
capital to him, except so much as he cultivated. It would place 
another interest in his hands, that he has never enjoj^ed, and 
would, in my opinion, promote his interests largely. It is a con- 
ceeded point, that wdien the farmer does well, all other classes of 
people do well likewise. And in case the owner of the land be- 
came so indebted, that his land had to be sold, it would still add 
to its value, because the purchaser would get the Bank Stock in- 
terest as well as the soil. The mortgage for the redemption of the 
bills would still remain in force, so that 1 cannot see where any 
inconvenience could grov\r out of those things. Let the owners of 
the soil elect the officers and managers of the Bank, and wdiatever 
profits w^ere made let them have it, and let them sustain whatever 
loss might be made by improper loans, for I am a great advocate 
for every man to be his own guardian, so far as domestic affairs 
are concerned. I am no advocate for tlie liCgislature having any 
control over the people's money, nor to have anything to do with 
it farther than to ascertain Avhat are the necessarv wants of the 



212 

State, and then lay on duties to raise money to pay off those de- 
mands, and point oat the way and manner in which those duties 
shall he collected — appoint officers to receive and pay out this 
money, and have ail tliose officers to produce vouchers and make 
a showing, that the money collected for that purpose has been pro- 
perly applied. This, and for similar purposes, is all the power I 
am an advocate for the Legislature to possess. I vrant the money 
of the people to remain in their pockets, and not in a Bank of the 
State, at the disposal of the Legislature, and the few men they 
may think proper to place over it. I am clear for letting every 
man manage the interests of his own capital in whatever way he 
may think best, and not to place our capital in the hands of our 
agents, by which they can bribe and corrupt men, to answer their 
own private purposes. 

Some might object to my plan of Banking, because I do not re- 
commend them to have silver in the Banks, to redeem the bills 
with ; but I would like to knov/, if that is any objection, how the 
present plan of banking v/ill redeem three dollars of paper bills 
with one of silver. Those who argue thus do not understand the 
nature of Banks. The Banks are the party, in the first place, 
that loan their bills as money, and take the man's note, Avith what 
they consider sufficient endorsement, to make them good for what- 
ever amount thej loan, so it is the country that owes the Banks, 
not the Banks the country. 

Whenever an individual brings a sufficient out-number of the 
bills of the Bank to lift his note, the Bank then redeems her bills 
and receives interest on the loan besides. The one dollar of sil- 
ver is not merely to be left in silver for the purpose of redeeming 
their paper, when presented to the Bank, but as a pledge of secur- 
ity, in case they should loan money to bad hands and lose it, and 
the silver is allowed as a regulator of the amount they might be 
safe in loanaig. Supposing that they would hardly act so reck- 
lessly as to loan more than the third of their money into bad 
hands at one time, and if one-third of the persons, on whom they 
held notes, were to prove insolvent, the third being in silver, in the 
vaults, would redeem the third of their paper, that they had loan- 
ed into bad hands. This is the impoitant object of having one 
clollar of silver in the vault^ for every three of ])aper in circulation. 



213 

It would not matter \vlia.t aiiioinit of billrf tliey loaned, the nior(i 
interest they would make. But tliis restriction tlie Legislature 
lays on the Bank, that they may not loan too mucli, tiiat the risk 
of losing may not be so great, and that the holders of bills may 
be more safe and secure from loss. 

Now as 1 have shovv-n tha4: my plan of banking would make the 
holders of the bills sa,fe and secure, and at the same time keep 
their mone}^ in their own hands, and under the people's own con- 
trol, without any necessity of placing it in their agent's hands, for 
1 had that object in view, when I traced out this plan of banking, 
and would prevent our Legislature from having any other authori- 
ty over our money than the Constitution authorises. It lias been 
my desire to put all the powers of corrupting our Government out 
of their reach if possible. It seems to me that this plan would ef- 
fect three good purposes ; first, it would give the farjner an interest 
on capital that has always been dead to him. Second, it would 
make the holder of the bills safe and secure as much so as if he 
Iiad gold or silver. Third, it would place the monied power Vvdierc 
our agents could have no influence over it, and by that means 
could not carry on any of their corrupt purposes by their influence 
«f money, for those corrupt men seldom have much monejr, but 
what they swindle out of the public treasury. At the same time, 
J do not v/ish to be understood as saying, that I would recommend 
to the people of the State of South Carolina, the immediate eman- 
cipation of the State Bank of South Corolina ; for I know too 
well, that wdiere such old esta,blished institutions have been in exis- 
tance, there is great danger in meddling too liastily with tliem, 
for with the inducements held out by the State Bank, many indi- 
viduals may be largely involved with it. and if so, great care should 
be taken how that Bank should be wound up, so that if possible, 
not one individual sliould be injui-ed. Men should ]-egard the 
rights and interests of each other with the strictest care and atten- 
tion at all times, but at the same time, make all parties secure in 
having justice done them. Give all protection to those wlio mav 
have become involved witli tlie Banlc, at least as far as its induce- 
ments have been held out to tlie people. I am well aware of the 
great risk of injuring the community, by too hastily medling Avith 
^hose old monied institutions, through which tlic people's business 



214 

has been transacted. We have a proof of tlial, from the medhng 
with the United States Bank. — I highly approve of aU Gen. Jack- 
son's administration, except his meddhng with the United States 
Bank — I have no doubt, but his intentions was good — 1 am of the 
opinion he had I he same reasons for putting down the Bank of the 
United Stat'es, tliat I have for divorsing State and Bank to take 
the money power from them, who were disposed to act corruptly; 
and it would have answered very well, had he not been ouL-gen- 
eraled by other politicians. 

I will now endeavor to show how it was all done, when that 
banking institution was closed, it produced such a shock and con 
vulsion over the whole commercial world. It was like they had 
all been struck with lightning. The people knew they felt the 
shock sensibly, but few could tell w^here it had started from, som.e 
attributed it to one thing, some to another. 

I will attempt to show how it took place, and what effects it 
'had produced at that time, and how things have went ever since, 
so far as money matters are concerned. In the first place, when 
the United States Bank was closed, the doing away with it would 
not have done much injury, had it not been for a law that was 
passed, which reali}^ did all the harm. The law was, that noth- 
ing but gold and silver should be received in payment of public 
dues. They might as well have made war with all the other 
Banks, as to have passed such a law, for they gave foreigners a 
credit of so many da3"s, l^y giving bond and security, for the pay- 
ment of whatever duties they were entitled to pay, vvdiich enabled 
those foreigners to sell so many of their goods for. specie paying 
bank notes, as would pay their duties. So it placed the country 
Banks in a situation, that they had to furnish all the gold and 
silver to pay all the revenue tariff — to furnisli the silver to pay 
all the Post Offices — to furnish all the money to pay for all the 
public lands, 
^ When they had to furnish gold and silver for all tliose purposes, 
and agreeable to their chai-te^-, were only allowed to issue three 
dollars for every one of silver tr^ey had in their vaults, how was it 
possible that they could keep aily silver in their vaults, upon which 
to issue ; and hov/ could the banks stand such an attack upon 
ihem, and confine themselves to the rule of their charter. It was 



215 

impossible, as it pioveil to be. The Banks, botli for the purpose of 
securing theniselves and all the people, from utler ruin, was com- 
pelled to refuse specie payment, or they would soon not have had 
one dollar of specie in tlieir vaults. That plan of Legislation 
had nearly ruined the whole cojmiiercial world, and did ruin many 
g^od and fine men. If the Banks had not pursued the course 
they did, I beheve the whole country would have been ruined. 

There vras one other circumstance that helped to save the peo- 
ple considerably— that vras the Treasury Notes, which answered as 
a protection to the Banks, for they v>''ould answer in place of gold 
or silver, xlt this time the Banks, and particular!}^ those of the 
AYest, vrere as badly prepared for such a shock as at any other 
time since America has been settled. The western part of the United 
States had just properly commenced settling, and the richness and 
fertility of the soil had created a great idea of speculation in the 
minds of the people. Perhaps there never has been so strong an. 
impression made on the people of America, and which caused 
them to run recklessly in debt for land and negroes. They could 
make so much cotton, if times had remained as the}^ were, there 
is no telling how large debts they would have worked through by 
selling a part of their lands to others, and the crops they could 
have made. The largest part of them, I have very little doubt, 
would have done very well, but in addition to those circumstances 
the factors of Mobile and New-Orleans, who sold cotton for the 
planters, had the confidence of the Bank, so that they could drav/ 
money out of the Banks, by the planter giving his note for wlia(^ 
ever cotton he thought he would make that year, before he had 
gathered his crop. And very often when the planter owed his 
country merchant, the manner in which he would pay him ofi' 
was by giving him an order on the factor that sold his cotton. — 
This factor, through the confidence placed in him, w^ould draw a 
check on some of the Northern Banks to* suit the merchant. 

This was a deplorable condition the country was in, when this 
law was passed, that nothing but gold and silver should be receiv- 
ed in payment of pubhc dues. Those large land speculators hav- 
ing to make payments for their lands in the West, and gold and 
silver being so cumbersome to convey, made it necessary to obtam 
eilver from the Banks, to pay for those pubhc lands. They had 



2i6 

also lo farnLsli gjld mm siiver foi revenue purposes, and for post 
olliccs. All iliesc tliioo-s seemed to come down on them like a 
tliimdcr storm after the first part of the day had been clear. They 
were compelled to refuse specie payments, which caused them to 
lose tlie confidence of the other Banks — they could not supply the 
country merchants at the North through the Banks= — the factor 
lost the confidence of the Bank. They had already imprudently 
committed their money in thehandsof the planter, where it would 
take several years of law-suits to collect it again, if ever. Confi- 
dence began to be lost among all business men — cotton fell al- 
most to nothing. To make the matter Vv^orse, a great many of the 
planters would slip down wdth their cotton and get a difi'erent fac- 
tor to sell it for him, without letting the man, v\dio had borrowed 
the money out of the Bank, lia,ve one dollar of it. Mari}^ of the 
factors were utterly ruined in that way. The crash first fell on 
the people of the West, but the liabilities of the West to the North 
soon extended its dis;astrous effects to the North, and from the 
North to England, and from thence to the whole commercial world. 
This will show how much the whole world is interested in. the w^el- 
fare of each other. And Avill show, that vsdien one part of the 
vv^otld receives an injury, it effects the whole in some way or other, 
a,nd should be a lesson to all of us, not to be too selfish in nothing, 
but to glory in the Vv'ell being of the people of all God's creation. 

I have shown, b}^ improper Legislation, what disastrous effects 
have been broucrht upon the people of the whole commercial world* 
Bnt it seems those politicians, from their professions of friendship 
to and for their constituents, after all their improper Legislation, 
bringing distress and destruction on their citizens, it seems the poli- 
ticians had wisdom enough to provide for their own safety. This 
gold and silver, that was thus to be collected, was all to go to them 
for thepa3mient of public officers — they provided for their own safety 
so as to be secure in t]ieir»own pay. They did not care how the 
people fared. Besides it lessened the value of property two-thirds, 
which made their salarv worth three times as much as it was be- 
fore. Whether those men brought all those evils on their fellow- 
citizens intentionall}^ or not, they v\"ere not equal sufferers v\'ith the 
p3ople. 

Let me try to show the people how that Bank could have been 
dispensed with, and b v proper legislation become a general good to 



2ir 

the people, and proved an injury to very (ew, and have answered 
the purposes President Jackson designed it for, viz : to remove the 
monied power from under 'the control ofoui* agents— that they 
could not act corruptly by it, and also show how our southern 
politicians have had a hand in securing a greater monied 
power in the hands of Congress, than any King, Prince, or Poten- 
tate ever had. If I succeed in this, it will seem that the}^ are fond- 
er of Monarchical powers, than the Republican restrictions under 
oiiir Con^itution. They are still crying out for constitutional 
rights, but I have never seen some of them conform to those con- 
stitutional principles the first time. Now, in the first place, I will 
try to show hovv^, by proper legislation, the United States Bank 
could have been dispensed with, and the people not injured by it — 
that the people, and the ovv^ners of the Bank, both w^ould have been 
bettered by it. If they had not passed that law, that nothing but 
gold and silver should be received in payment of public dues, and 
been willing to risk their chances with the people — receiving the 
bdls of good solvent specie paying Banks like the people have to do 
now, it would have given our Banks a chance to have circulated 
their bills more freely ; and the result Vv'Ouid have been, that the 
interest which went into the hands of the managers of the United 
States Bank, would have gone into the pockets of the owners of 
our common Banks — trade would have prospered as much as if the 
United States Bank had continued — capital would have been di- 
vided more equally among the people, and that control, whicli 
Congress had over that monied institution, would have been re- 
moved out of their reach, as President Jackson had desired. But 
this la,w. that was passed, that nothing but gold and silver should 
be received in payment of public dues, paved the way for the neces- 
sity of passing, if possible, a much worse law. Also, if it w^as con- 
stitutional, which it is not, it w^ould give Congress as much power, or 
perhaps more control over the people's money than any Kin^v 
Prince, or Potentate ever had — I mean the power of issuing treas- 
ury notes to any amount they think proper- I will own, under the 
unwise legislation of the specie law, those treasury notes did relieve 
the Banks some, or indeed a great deal from the necessity of 
furnishing silver to pay the revenue. Even to this time they have 
not done us any harm, that I know of, but the pri?7npie o( th« 

28 



218 

•xliin g" is wiiEit I condefliii. If it was established as a system of otd' 
Govemmentj it would place the monied power of all the people ol 
the United States at the disposal of Coiigi'ess, and they might cm- 
ploy onr moiie}' to any of their purposes they might think proper^- 
so as to bankrupt, every citizen in the United States^- To effect this^ 
they \vould have nothing to do bet issue treasury notes, for us to 
redeem with gold and silver. 

Now my plan of banking wotiid destroy and remove ail those 
povvers. and remove any necessity of issuing treasury Jiotes, for 
if the Government stood in need of money, she could either borrow 
from other countrieSj or from our own Banks^ or if we ^vere to make 
some other alterations on our present plan of banking— causing 
them to pledge themselves in some security to make the holders of 
bills secure, and to pass a law, that if they issued any more bills 
than their Charter authorised them to do, the' penalty should be' 
death, the same as forging a man's name to a note, or some similar 
way, w^e would then have no need for a United States Bank, 
nor treasury notes, and the people would be safe from corruption^ 
cfboth causes. 



AN EXPOSURE OF THE PLAN UNDER THE ISFA^ffi 

OF UNION OF THE SOUTH, 

As there is a great noise about calling a Convention for ; tfie 
pmpose of combining the physical power of the South to resist 
the North, should Congress, by a majorit}'', pass a law prohi bitinp~ 
the owner of slaves from emigrating to the Territories Vv^it] i their 
slave property ; and if I understand our Southern politiciar s^ they 
recommend to the peopk of the Southern States a resort 1 ,o arms 
or disunion, as their only and saftest remedy. As it is ] low the 
only remedy the North has left us, they seem to wish to n take the 
people believe, that through tiiera., in Congress, and the ve'^Q of the 
President, is all the ren^edy provided by the Constituti .oi>, and if 
it fails, disunion and a resort to .arms is the only thing ihat would 
save us from total destruction. 

This deception seems to have taken effect ou th.e mir^ds of so 
-many of this community, who suffer themselves to be governed 
by whatever they hear othei's say, without ever re /lecting in their 
own minds whether it is right or wrong, if the expressioji just 
just comes from Mr. Calhoun, or any of those tijey Imve a rioht 
to believe had their instructions from hhn, it matters not how- 
absurd or unreasonable, it is svv'ailowed down like a raw oyster 
without ever chewing. The fact of it having come from Mr. 
Calhoun is all sufficient without any thing more being said. 

I hope this will soon cease to be the case, if I can only be able 
to "show tlie people where he is trying to carry tliem, as I consider 
him to be the author of the State Right Plan of South Carolina. 
I will first carry you there, in order to show you that the object he 
had in view, when they called the Convention which introduced 
that odious Ordinance, giving the Legislature absolute control 
.over botli the lives, libci-ty and property of the people ; and as I 



220 

have sko\vn, had adopted a plan and pohcy of Government, that 
would have secured that povrer to the Legislature over the people. 
They who were engaged in the scheme of overthrowing the Gov- 
ernment of the people, knew that they had first to destroy the 
Union that had been entered into b}^ the people. The first attempt 
they made Vv^as, by trying to make the people of the South be- 
lieve that the North was imposing on them, by making them paj' 
all the tariff duties ; and tried to make the people believe that duty 
went into the pockets'of the Northern capitalists, and that they 
were actually robbing us. I think I have fully shown that all 
the duties went to pay the expenses of the Government ; and the 
Northern people generally wear as many of the goods imported 
from foreign countries as Vv^e do, and they being the consumers of 
as many of the goods as we, if not more, pay as much if not 
more than we do. But as this information came from Mr. Cal- 
houn and Mr. McDuffiie, no farther inquiry was made by a large 
portion of the people of South Cai-olina, and some of the other 
States. Any one who will take the trouble to examine that sub- 
ject fairly, will see that none of those statements are correct. But 
now let me refer you to a,nother object they might have had in 
view. Suppose their object was to overthrow the Government of 
the people, and knew they had to destroy the Union before they 
could effect that purpose, would it not have been a very good 
scheme and plan to fall upon, to get the people of the South will- 
jig to withdraw from a union wilh people whom they were caused 
to beleive vrere only united to them, tha,t they might have it in 
their power to rob them. If their object was to overthrov/ the 
People's Governnienl, is not their scheme very artful ? when at the 
same time they told the people they had no intention of dissolving 
the Union, but their object v/as its preservation. But, fellow citi- 
zens, actions speak louder than words. After pleading Vv'itli the 
people and making many' promises publicly, that if they would 
give them leave to call a convention, it would simply be to try the 
case of tlie tariff, whether it was constitutional or not — that they 
would pledge their honors, it would not affect the Union, but pre- 
serve it, and that it was so fa.r from being revolutionary measures, 
that he (Mr. McDufne) would do all the fighting himself. Those 
and many similar promises were made, before they could get the 
people v^^ilhng to let theni call a Gonvehtion, 



221 

Let us see liow they fuliilled their promises. The first thing 
they done, was to IVame the Ordinance^ with the Address accom- 
panying, to the people of the State of South Carohna. They also, 
sent an Address to tlie people of other States, but it differed much 
from the Address to the people of this State. 

The Address accompanying the Ordinance, was explaining to 
the people of this State, that agreeable to the power vested in 
the Legislature of this State by thlK)rdinance, they were to have 
the absolute control over both their lives, liberty, and property ; and 
that they should have the clear right to declare the extent of their 
obligation, and when once declared, the citizens should have no 
course but obedience. They then called for twenty thousand vol- 
unteei-s to support that Ordinance and whatever acts the Legisla- 
ture might think proper to pass. They passed a law that no duties 
should be paid as revenue for the United States, and had also, pro- 
vided a law, that if the officers under the authority of the United 
States, should attempt to collect b}^ foi"Ce, they would no longer 
remain in the Union. 

Every State in the Union pronounced this an unconstitutional 
act. Now see how many of their promises they- fulfilled, Mr. Mc- 
Dtiffie declared they would nevei' call on one man to fight, for the 
remedy was a peaceable one, but about the first thing they done, 
w^as to call for twenty thousand volunteers to fight. It looked like 
a very curious way to preserve the Union, to pass an unconstitution- 
al law, and say : if the officers would attempt to execute the legal 
duties of their office, that they would pronounce themselves out of 
the Union. The next thing they attempted to do was to pro- 
nounce every one out of office, in the State, as if he were dead or 
had resigned, which power they derived from the enlightened 
convention framed in the Oidinance. So tliat every man that 
was in office, under the authoj-ity of the people, and sworn to sup- 
port and defend the principles in the Constitution, should be 
thrown out of office, so that they could put men in under their au- 
thority. And instead of swearing tliosc who were to go into of- 
fice, under their authority, to support and defend the Constitution 
of the State and of the United States, the oath was: that they 
would well and truly obey, execute and enforce the Ordinance and 
whatever Act the Legislature might pass in pursuance of the sarnc, 



oo 



to tlie fall iiitent tmd iriie nieaniiig lliereoC Tlicy also passed a 
law, tliat there sliould be no appeal from the decision of a Court 
Martial, which established the Militar}^ above the Civil Power. 
Thevalso provided, tliat if a.i]y citizen disputed the auiiiorit^/ of 
iiny Act passed by the Legislature, that he should n.it be allowed 
an appeal to the United States Court, nor a copy of a,n appeal ; 
and if he should attenijjt to get an appeal, he should be punished 
as the Court might think prop(W Tliey also provided that in no 
case wherein was called in question the authority of the Ordi- 
nance, or any Act passed b}^ the I^egislature in pursuance of the 
same, no Judge nor Jury sjioiild be permitted to sit on the trial, 
unless they would take ail oath well and truly to obey, execute 
and enforce the Ordinance and whatever Act the Legislature 
should pass, to the full intent and true meaning of the same. 

Agreeable to this policy a.nd plan of Government, introduced by 
this Convention, Vvdiich I have no doubt ^vas framed by Mr. Cal- 
houn and his coadjutors, -and would have, if established, over- 
throv.m every vestige and every part of the People's Government, 
and would have enthroned the Legislature vrith as much power 
.and authority over the people's rights, liberties a,nd privileges, as 
any King, Prince or Potentate evei- had, in any country or in any 
da}^, all under the pretence of protecting the people agaiust the 
oppressive tarilT at the >.'orth, which v\'as really not so, as T think 
1 have fully shown. 

Snow, my ovrn opinion is, that those politicians 'cared nothing 
about the tariti, but merely made a pretext of it, so that they coulxl 
make the people willing to withdrav/ from the Union, that they 
could have a chance to destroy tliis Republican plan of Govern- 
ment, and bring the people under a monarchy, so that hereditary 
offices could be fixed on them and their children fore-ver, and tha.t 
they would not be beholding to the people for their offices. 

Now, fellow citizens, if those pohticians are aiming- at vrliat 
every appearance and the course they are puisuing would justify 
us in believing, and I have shovv^n you how much they have falsi- 
fied their promises to the people, v\iien they called the convention 
respecting their plea — the tarilf— I think it v.'i'l !)e no iiarm to 
watch them for the future. 



223 

The next Jiiove tliey made toward llirouiog us or(i of die Union, 
tvas iiiider the pretence of the Wih/wt proviso. Su|)poseImay 
be rig-hl in my opiiiioo, that it is tlieir obiert to destroy tiie Goverij- 
ineiit of the people, ihej cannot do it imtii ilicy w^orild destroy the 
Union. Now let iis see Jicvv^ their ^' luj.isc, under the pretext of tiie' 
Wihiiot proviso, would answer to elFect that purpose. The people 
Avill recollect that some time ago it vvas advertised that Political 
Meetings would be held in every district of South Carolina. I 
was present at the one held at Abbeville C. li., and listened to sev- 
eral hai-angues made by venj i^especiahle citizens, and who, no 
doubt, liad been directed to do so. Their discourses w^ere directed 
totally against the attempted usurpations of the North, and it Vv^as 
also resolved, t]iat resolutions should be drawn up for the pmposc 
of resisting and protecting ourselves against the North should they 
pass the Wilmot proviso. TJic whole sum and substance of these 
resolutions amounted to this : if they^ did pass such a law the- 
best remedy would be to withdraw from the Union'. 

I w^ould suppose those resolutionSj wliich 1 imderstand were to 
be passed all over the Southern States, in the same manner, and 
which are in w^riting. The members in Coiigress might pretend 
to say, that they had their autliority in writing, as the uimnimous 
voice of the people, to justify them in tlieir withdrawal from the 
Union, and in that way throw the Vvdiole Southern States into a 
state of revolution and disunion. But to make their purpose still 
more secure, they now propose to call a Southern Convention, for 
the purpose of uniting the South. My opinion is, tlieir object is to 
prepare themselves under a Convention, and tiU-ough the claim of 
authority of a Convention, attcsnpt to dissolve the imion of all the 
Southern States at one time. If I am right they have laid a much 
deeper scheme to overtlirow the Governsnent of the people, than 
(Jiat they had planned out under the tariif. To show the people 
tiiat they do not aim at doing them any good by the course they 
recommend, they speak of calling a Convention to unite the South, 
to resist the North — they tell us all hopes of redress is at an end — 
tliat they have no confidence in party — tliat they have none in 
Congress — none in the veto of tlieTh-csideut, but that the best 
temcdy against this Wilmot Proviso, would be to resort to arms. — 
Representing the case as all the legal authorily wc had, through 



224 

whicli to protect ourselves, was party, Congress, and the veto of the 
President. Never ortce referring to the lawful arbiters — the Judges 
of the United States Court — never once showing us that ours was 
a Government of principles, and that Ave had already formed laws 
under our own Government to protect us against any attempted 
usurpation tliat might be made against us by our agents. That 
the Constitution was their pov>^er of attorney under which to act, 
and that Congress had no power to pass, or the President to sanc- 
tion a law not authorised, and that the citizens of the United 
States had a right to refuse obedience to that law, and have it test- 
ed in the Constitutional Court, whether it was in accordance with 
the power granted under the Constitution. If it was sc, the Court 
and Jury are bound to decide, if not, they would be bound to pro- 
nounce the law unconstitutional, and that such a law Avas null and 
void. There would be an end of all those attempted usurpations 
on the part of our agents, and Avould finally put a stop io all such 
attempted usurpations against the rights and liberties of the people, 
without any necessity for revolution or disunion. But if their in- 
tention is to overthrow the people's Government, it would not an- 
swer their purpose, but Avoald suit their case much better to conceal 
it from the people, that they had any such a remedy against any 
usurpations that might be attempted against the people, either by 
party, Con.o'ress, or the veto of the President. This legal plan of 
resistance would not place the people under the necessity of dissolv- 
ing the Union, but would encourage them to cling to it, and cause 
them to support and defend it, at every risk and hazzard, know- 
ing tiiat it vras the only AVciy by which their sovereignty and every 
liberty and privilege they enjoy, could bo preserved. 

To prove fully that I cannot be mistaken in the position I have 
taken, and also to show to the world that those Southern politicians 
cannot be mistaken in this course, being a correct and legal remedy 
against the usurpations attempted by our agents. The thing Avas 
brought home to them in such a forcible manner, that they could 
not help but see that it Avas an effectual remedy against slyij at- 
tempt on the part of the agents of the people, to outlaAV them. — 
Under the Ordinance, through Avhich they claimed their authority 
under the Convention of the people, as they teimed it, and had 
pronounced every one out of office, as if he Avas dead, or had re- 



225 

sigiied. Tlien passed a law liiai no one siioukl hold an office of 
profit or trust in this State, the nieuiljers of the Leg-islatnre except- 
ed, and also, providing a law, that if no one oliered to hold an office 
under this Ordina,nce, on account of this oath, that those chief offi- 
cers appointed by the Legislature, should have power to appoint 
men to office, and if such men appointed by those officers would 
not serve, the officers slioidd have ])ower to imprison and fine them 
under thai court from Vv'hich there should be no appeal. 

Surely when the world sees this plan and policy of the State 
Right of South Carolina oGered to her people, and boasted of by 
them, as the great goddess of liberty, and also, of their wisdom for 
supportiiig wsuch principles, I think those, v/ho have blown the 
trumpet so long, may cover tlieir faces for some time to come, and 
not appear as public speakers before the people, until they learn the 
policy and plan of republican Governments better than they have 
been taught, by the advocates of the principles contained under 
the authority of the Ordinance, and explained by the accompany- 
ing Address. , 

They also, had twenty thousand volunteers (incorporated 
companies) to enforce obedience to this sovereign Legislature. But 
behold, after all thoir preparations to enforce their unconstitutional 
principles on the people, and pronounced so to be by every State 
in the Union, and when they were attempting to enforce the oath 
of allegiance in favor of their own authority, one citizen of Charles- 
ton was elected to office, and in place of taking the oath they re- 
quired, he took the oath required l^y the people's authority in the 
Constitution. They refused to gi'ant him his commissioji. He 
sued for it in the Constitutional Court, and that Court decided in 
his favor, and also decided that tiic oath they required to be taken 
was unconstitutional, and dovv^n went all tlicir assumed authority 
claimed over the people. This shows fully, that this Court was 
provided for tlie purpose of protecting and securing the people in 
tlieir sovereign rights, against any attack made against them on 
account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any otiier pretence 
whatever. It corresponds with reason and good sense, that there 
shotdd be such a court appomted, for where would be the use of the 
Constitution, as a pov/er of attorney for our agents to act under, if 
we had no legal remedy against acts passed bv tlicm. not author - 

^29 



226 

ised by this Coostitutioii. If we hcA no such coiut, the Constitil- 
tion could do us no good — we might a„s well not have one. And 
if the whole world has, long since, become fuhy convinced that 
the saftest deposit, in which they can place their domestic lights is 
in the care of a court and jury, why not thesafiest deposit for our 
political — if safe for one, why not for the other 7 The court and 
jury are bound by oath to decide according to law and evidence — 
after great care has been taken to provide laws based on princi- 
ples of justice. And so by the Constitutions, great care has been 
taken to adopt principles to secure every right, liberty and privi- 
lege the hiniian family should enjoy, only restraining men from 
doing wrong and protecting every individual in doing right — bind- 
ing-judge and jury to decide according to tlie principles of the 
Constitution, and declarnig in it that it shall be the supreme law of 
the land. 

I now ask, if any better Union can be formed or any better 
plan adopted to promote or secure the happiness of the human 
femily while living on this earth. Why do not.those Southern 
politicians point out to the people this legal remedy, which would 
be safe and sure, without endangering the harmony of the people 
or the Union. But if their o]:)ject is to destroy .the Government .of 
the people and introduce hereditary offices, which Mr. Calhoun 
thinks is so admirably calculated to prevent corruption in officials, 
this plan would not suit them, it Vv^ould enter into the very es- 
sence of their sovereignty, as it did when the citizen claimed his 
commission, when he took the oath the Constitution of the people 
iiad prescribed. 

Now there is no place in the Constitution requiring or command- 
ing the people of any State to comply with any compromise Con- 
gress has ever made, respecting who, or who should settle territory, 
or what property the}^ should, or should not take. The people are 
not bound to comply with such compromises, because Congress 
has no such power granted to them — the people ma,y regard or 
disregard, whoever pleases, and Congress has no wp,y to force 
their obedience; and if- such acts were carried before the United 
States Court, I have no doubt they would be pronounced null. 
After a State is foimed, they can, by their Constitution, object to 
and make laws to prevent slaves from being brought to that State, 



227 

but tiiere is no power aiitlioiiscd iinde] tlie anthoiity of tlie Con- 
stitution to prevent any citizen of tlie Ihiited States from buying 
lands and settling' on tliem witli any proji^eit)^ he may wish. Neith- 
er could or should there be any sucli autiiority, l.HM-aiise tiie terri- 
tories are the joint property of the United States, eacli one having 
equal rights, and as such no one could debar him of equal riglits ; 
and when he purclinses the joint interests lield by all otliers, it 
becomes liis own, and he is the only one wlio has any right or 
control over it, and he has the fall right to claim all the protection, 
both of thepro])erty and person, as any citizen of the United States. 
As all liCgislative autlK)riti(^s, l)oth in the States and the United 
States are prohibited from passing an esvposf facto law, or law 
impairing the ol ligation of contracts, it secures (hat right of protec- 
tion, of holding and owning his slave property — tliathe may carry 
it and its increase with him, and should the same territory, when 
its population Vv^ould cnaljle them to form a State, and miglit malce 
it a restricted State, not allowing the citizens or ejiiigrunts, af(er 
forming a Constitution, that no more servants should be suffered 
to move to it, under the })enalty of emancipation, yet the Legisla- 
tures of the States, nor the conventions have no power to interrupt 
the parties who moved there while it was a territory. But it reall)^ 
does appear to me, that tlie AI;>olitionists and Politicians of the 
North and South act in concert, for they are both making illegal 
and unconstitutional demands on tlie people. The Abolitionists 
claim, under the Legislative authority, tiie right to rob us of our 
slave property. The Southern Politicians make still a larger claim 
under tiie Legislatures of the States, and say : that it is a lieredita 
ry right — that tliey possess the aI)solute control over l)Oth the lives, 
liberty, and property of the people. They appear a little alarmed 
lest the Noitli wiU takeaway a part of theirs, viz: the slave pro- 
pert)^, and urge upon the people to call a Convention, to imitc the 
South to resist them. They say, tliey have increased so rapidly 
tliey will effect their purposes. L^ we do not soon put up a show 
of resistance, and presouit a bold front to deter tlicm, it will be use- 
less for us to expect to esca,})e tlie danger tlneateued — pretending 
that nothing but a strong party can save us. But if it really was 
as they say, both our lives, liberty and property, belongs to the 
Legislature, I do not see why the people should trouble tliem 



22B 

selves miicji about the matter, as lliey say, there is not, nor never 
has been such a pohtical body as the people of the United States — ■■ 
that the extent of povv^ er does not depend upon the people, but on 
the Legislature. If this be the case, if all the property belongs to 
them, and they recommend a resort to arms, let them do the 
fighting against the Abohtionists of the North tliemselves, and we, 
the people, will try the law and see v/hat it will do lor us, after 
they are done fighting. 

As I have shown that every plan adopted by our Southern poli- 
ticians as well as the abolitionists, is a strict violation of the princi- 
ples of the Constitution, they nov/ call on the people of the Soutli 
ern States to call a convention to unite the South to resist the 
North, as if no such union had ever been formed, and as if no 
remedy had been formed by tlic constituted authority to set aside 
any unconstitutional act of Congress by law. Now, as the peo- 
ple under the union, have bound themselves.to support and defend 
each other against all attacks made against them, or any of theili, 
on account of religion, sovereignty, trctde, or any other pretence 
whatever, and the principles Vv^ritten down prescribing the plan 
through v/hich we should be bound to support and defend each 
other, and laws made to carry out those principles, what better 
plan of union can be formed ? 

I have no doubt that the object of this call on the people for a 
Convention, is to place things in such* a v/ay that they will be 
walling to dissolve this Union, which the people have formed, so 
that this Repui)lican form of Government may be destroyed, for 
such a convention w^ould be a strict violation of the Constitution. 
The Constitution of the United States provides that : " No State 
shall enter into any treaty, alliance or confederation," also, " No 
State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duly on 
tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into 
any agreement or compact with another State, or Vvlth a Foreign 
Power." These provisions are made to prevent any collission or 
insurrection against the plan of government of the people, know- 
ing there Vv^as a legal and lavrful remedy provided for their protec- 
tion against an}MiDConstitutional lavv^ oin- agents might attempt to 
force on the people. 

These provisions are provided for the defence of tlie peopse's 
constitutional rights, so that no combination could be raised to 



resist tlieii" constitution aJ rii^Iits. Tlioy now call on ns [-jv a Con- 
vention to U4ilte i-Iie ooiiiJi to rcii;-:t lIic a^is of C^^yw^ivi^rL Uo if it 
required physical power to bring- a suit in court, jio/ery one will 
see the absurdity of such a proposition, for the court is vested Vvith. 
as much power to try one man's case inipartially, as it v;ould be, if 
ten hundred. thousand were to present the case. Afler the decision 
it would require physica^l power to enforce it, and tliis is the great 
object of the Union. But let us. see what eHect tlieir plan would 
produce, and what kind of a rcniecb/ it v/oukl prove to the people. 
A\^e will say, if Congress, vvliicli is oiu- agent, passes tlse Yvliniot 
Proviso, we will vdtiidrav^ from the Union. Would that proceed- 
ing give us any better right to the territory? — Would it not cut us 
out of all right? — Do not the territories Ijelongto the people of the 
United States? So long as we remain in the Union, we Jiave an 
equal right with all other citizens of the United States ; frnt so 
soon as we were to withdraw from that Government, v/e vrould 
have no I'ight to any of it, and vrould cease to be a Governm.ent at 
all, until we would be 3.hle to form one. If we niiglit ]udge our 
Southern politicans, as to wliat tJiey mioiitdo hereafter, l)y vvJiat 
they have done, which I think is about as good a rule to judge 
mankind by, as any I know of, just look at their State Right plan, 
of which they so loudly boasted, and v.diich claims for the Legis- 
lature of each State the absolute control over both the lives, liberty 
and property of the people — the clear right to declare the extent of 
their obligation, and leave the |)eopleno course but obediance, and 
provided that they should liOt liave a hearing in any court, Vv here 
their authority should be disputed, unless judge and jury were 
sworn to decide in their favor, and against the citizen. If the 
people are now Vvdlling to dissolve such a Union as Vv'e live undei', 
and as I have described through this work, and adopt such a one 
as those Southern politicians have recommended, they vv'ould first 
have to establish it in their ov/n State, before tliey coidd establisli 
any Government at all. If a number of our citizens were not wil- 
ling to forsake their constitutional rights, Which I have sliovrn, tlien 
would not the balance of the United States be bound to aid and 
assist them against the usurpers. But su.ppose notliing of all that 
took place, and tiie people were all willing to como uiider such a 
plan of Gvovernment, we v,^ould have, after forming a .seperate Gov- 



230 

enimeiit from (Ijc ]^^v)rtliern Slale.v- to apj3ly to all the coininerciai 
Govei-niuents of tlie world, tij be ackiiouleOged an indcpendant 
(•Jovernnieot Vie coiiid not Jei2;alJy ciaiiii aoy of the territories be- 
iotig-iiig to 3ny of the IJiiiied States— none of tbio iiav}^ — none of 
tiie aims or antunition, nor fortillcatioiis. We would cut ourvSclves 
out of tliat righi, l)y leaving tije Union. Bnt suppose the Northern 
8tates were not to aeknowiedge our indepeiidance, but our South- 
ern pohticians wiH tell }ou, that we will ii^et free trade. .Suppose 
they blockath^. our poils. and do not snher us to trade at all. We 
would not have even a canoe oj' boat to force a way out. But 
suppose they vvere to pcrinit us to pass as free as air, how could we 
have free trade. Suppose we weve to form a union of the South- 
ern States, ns good as the one now existing over the United States, 
Avould we not have to begin lilvc persons slarting in the world, 
wanting many esseiitials. They spoa'c of free trade. Would 
people Ijuild Slate Houses, hnd themselves and the materials for 
nothing ? AVould they, also, )>uild sbdpping, arm and equip them- 
selves with arjiis, ammunition, clothing and provision, all at their 
own expense to protect comjnerce safe to and from our ports? — 
Woidd they build fortifications, arm and equijj^theniselves and 
attend by day and by night to guard and |)rotect your towns from 
being attacked, or any iindne advantage being taken of 30U, by 
our enemy, all at tlieir (^avu exittaise / ^VoriJd our presidents and 
mend)ers of Congress serve us (or nothing 7 AV^oukl our ministers, 
who we send to enter into conditions of commercial i)Uercourse 
serve for nothing .^ "Would ah those, and many si irrdar cases of 
service be done for notliiiig .** '^Then, and not until tJien, may we 
expect free trade. If nothing worse would happen, tjran I liave 
described, which would l)eimposible, it would take all that the people 
of this generation could make, to place us in just as good a situa- 
tion as we were before we dissolved the Urhon. A thousand evils 
not spoken of would ceitaiid}^ befall us. It is my opinion, if w^e 
pursue and follow tije advise of those Southern pohticians, th^it we 
soon would be the most miserable set of destitute beings on earth. 
We need not fear any thing the Northern politicians could do, for 
the Constitution fully protects us. But we had ]-ather fear our 
own mad actions, in pursuing the course our Soutiiern politicians 
direct us. 



231 

I hope T Imrc said enough to guard a;.id guide the people in pre- 
tecting theuiseh'es agaiusl the niau}' attacks made against iheni, 
whether tJirough error, orinleiition; I cauuotteJl. Iiuu ceitciia it 
is through eri'or the largest portion oftiiose eriOiicuus princi|>les ciie 
supported; I aui certain that many as good men, asli\c in tlje 
United States, have advocated, aided, and assisted to a considerable 
extent in attempting to carry out those principles of error, I have 
so fully described. 

1 will now endeavor, in these my closing remarks, to point out 
another plan they have ingeniously adorned to carry out tjieir de- 
sign of throwing us out of the Union, and also, to pre\ ent any one 
from detecting them, or exposing their scheme to the people. They 
have appointed a set of men, whom they call the " C'omnnttecs of 
Ways, and Means, " and •• of Safety," who liave the care and man- 
agement, and conducting of the plan. These men they have se- 
lected in every District of this State, and perliaps they have done 
som all the Southern States. These hidividuals have their part 
to act, that is, if any one should attempt to explaiii to the people 
the great evil they were a])oat to bring on them, and shoidd detect 
them, it will be their business to noliiy each other, so that they 
can combine all their influence togetiier, and put on as many false 
constructions as possible on tJie sliowing the indi\idi!al makes 
against them, and to v/rite to all the Presses in tlie Southern States 
to "show him iip," and to raise preiurlices in the niiuils of the peo- 
ple in tliat way, so as to p]"eve:;it any of the warnings he gives the 
people from having any cllcct against them, knowing that when 
the citizen sees that all his warnijigs are unheeded, and that the 
Press still continues its tirade aga,inst him, that he is apt to cease 
giving his wrumiiig. 

This part 1 wisli die people to notice particularly, that tlie reason 
why the Press of tlie Soutli is so much at their bidding is, because 
they have so far deceived the larger portion of the community, that 
they beheve those politicians are trying to protect them against the 
usurpations of the North, and as it is the interest of the Press to 
publish whatever will please and hitcicst the largest portion of the 
peo|)le of the State, so that they will patronise their respective 
papers, and they having already deceived the laigest portion, so 
that they will take sides with theni; and at tlic same time, but 



232 

very few w ritiiig or saying anythiug to let the Preas know any 
better. It is no wonder the Press is at their bidding", because if 
they were to refuse, I have no doubt they v^^ould set the remaining 
portion of the Press (if any,) to ridicahng the one that would re- 
fuse, and soon whip hini back, as I once saw in the case of an in- 
dividual of high standing, who once came out against some of Mr. 
Calhoun's proceedings about the Mexican war, and the Press soon 
whipped him back into Mr. Calhoun's lines again. 

Now, when I have shown the people all the engines of power 
they have arranged against them in the hands of these 'MlJommit- 
tees on Ways and Means," and of "Safety," I wish also, to mform . 
the people that it is their safety, and not that of the people's they 
are after. 

You miglit nov/ ask me, what I would recommend as the surest 
plan to put a sto}) to their proceedings before they could do us any 
harm. I knovv^ of no better plan at the present, than for the peo- 
ple to call pu!>iic meetings in every District and Count;;;, throughout 
the Southern States and dravf up resolutions forbidding those pol- 
iticians from meddhng with, or disturbing the Union in any way 
vv hatever, declaring that we consider the Government we now live 
inider, the best that ever the human family lived under, and that 
the remedy provided by it is fully ample and suificient to protect 
and defend us in all emergenices vvdiatevei-. And that we will not 
sulTer the Government which belongs to ourselves, to be taken 
from us, and another substituted in its place, by no demagogues 
imder the name of Sovereign Legislators, nor no other name, and 
that we will support and defend our own constituted authorities at 
every risk and hazzard, or such resolutions as those who act should 
thinJi proper ibr the purpose. It would 1:10 well for the people to 
notify the Press, that if they did not act for their interest (the peo- 
ple) in the place of these Committees on "Ways and Means" and 
of "Safety," that they Vv^ouid withdraw their support from them, 
and in this vray would soon bring the Press to act with them, as it 
would be their interest to do so. Besides, if I am not mistaken in 
my views, it is, and will be the interest of the Press to protect the 
people's liberties, as it is not the interest of hereditary oliicers to en- 
courage the Press longer than they Vv ill serve their purposes to 
bring the people under Monarchical power— they theii discard them. 
So it is tlie interest of those whose capital is engaged in printing, to 
consider these things asv/ellasany other part of the cojnmunity. 

I will close the subject for the present by subscribing myself the 
faithful and true friend of the people. 



AN ORDINANCE, 
1*0 Nullify certain Acts op the Congress op tiie 
United States, Purporting to be Laws, laying Du= 
TIES AND Imposts on the Importation of Foreign 
Commodities. 

[ The following Ordinance and accompanying Address, signed 
by all the delegates, was passed in Convention November 24, 1832, 
and are those v.liich the Sovereign Legislature of Soath Carolina 
assumed as their authority to act, and the same that has been, 
referred to in the preceding pages of this work : ] 

Whereas^ the Congress of the United States, by various acts, 
purporting to be acts laying duties and imposts on foreign imports, 
but iji reality intended for the protection of domestic manufactures, 
and the civin^ of bouiities to cla.sses and individuals en"-ac^ed ill 
particular employments) at the expense and to the injury and op- 
pression of other classes and individuals, and by wholly exempt- 
ing from taxation certain commodities, such as are not produced 
or manufactured in the United States, to afford a pretext for im- 
posing higher and excessive duties on articles similar to those in- 
tended to be protected, hath exceeded its just powers under the 
C-onstitution, which confers on it no authority to aflbrd such pro- 
tection, and hath violated the true meaning and intent of the Con- 
stitution, which provides for equality in imposing the bui'dens of 
taxation upon the several States and portions of the Confederacy. 
And ivhereas, the said Congress, exceeding its just power to im- 
pose taxes and collect revenue for the purpose of ctlecthig and 
accomplishing the specific objects and purposes which the Consti- 
tution of the United States authorises it to elTccf and accomphsh^ 
hath raised and collected unneccssaiy revenue, for objects unau^ 
thorised by the Constitution. : 

30 



234 

JVe, therefore, the People of the State of South Carolina, in, 
Convention assembled, do Declare and Ordain, and. it is hereby 
Declared and Ordained, That the several acts and uarts of acts 
of the Congress of the United States, purporting to be laws for the 
imposing of duties and imposts on the importation of foreign com- 
modities, and not having actual operation and effect within the 
United States, and more especially an act entitled " an act in al- 
teration of the several acts imposing duties on imports," approved 
on the nineteenth of May, one thousand eight hundred twenty- 
eight, and also, an act entitled '-an act to alter and amend the 
several acts imposing duties on imports," approved on the four- 
teenth day of July, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two, 
are unauthorized by the Constitution of the United States, and 
violate the true meaning and intent thereof, and are null, void, and 
no law, nor binding upon this State, its officers, or citizens ; and 
all promises, contracts and obliga.tions, made or entered into, or to 
be made or entered into, with purpose to secure the duties imposed 
by said acts, and all judicial proceedings which shall be hereafter 
had in aifii mance thereof, are, and shall be held, utterly null and 
void. 

And it is further Ordained, That it shall not be lawful for any 
of the constituted authorities, w^hether of this State, or of the Uni- 
ted States, to enforce the payment of duties imposed by the said 
acts, within the limits of this State ; but it shall be the duty of the 
Legislature to adopt such m.easures and pass acts as may be ne- 
cessary to give full effect to this Ordinance, and to prevent the en- 
forcement and arrest the operation of the said acts and parts of 
acts of the Congress of the United States, within the limits of this 
State, from, and after the first day of February next ; and the duty 
of all other constituted authorities, and of all persons residing or 
being within the limits of this State, and they are hereby required 
and enjoined, to obey and give effect to this Ordinance, and such 
acts and measures of the Legislature as may be passed or adopted 
in obedience thereto. 

And it is further Ordained, That in no case of law or equity, 
decided in the Coui'ts of this State, wherein shall be drawn in ' 
question the authority of this Ordinance, or the vahdity of such 
act or acts of the Legislature as may be passed for the purpose of 



235 

giving eiTect (.hereto, or the vahdity of the aforesaid acts of Con 
gress, imposing duties, shall any appeal be taken or allowed to the 
Supreme Court of the United States ; nor shall any copy of the 
record be permitted or allowed for that purpose ; and if any such 
appeal shall be attempted to be taken, the Courts of this State 
-shall proceed to execute and enforce their judgments, according to 
the laws and usages of the State, witiiout reference to such at- 
tempted appeal, and the person or persons attempting to take such 
appeal may be dealt with as for contempt of the Court. 

And it is further Ordained^ That all persons now holding any 
office of honor, profit or trust, civil or militar}^, under this State^ 
(members of the Legislature excepted) shall, within such time, 
and in such manner as the Legislature shall prescribe, take an 
oath, well and truly to obey, execute and enforce this Ordinance, 
and such act or acts of the Legislature as may be passed in pur- 
suance thereof, accoi'ding to the true mtent and meaning of the 
same ; and on the neglect or omission of any such person or per- 
sons so to do, his or their office or offices shall be forthwith vacated^ 
and shall be filled up as if such person or persons were dead or 
had resigned ; and no person hereafter elected to any office of 
honor, profit or trust, civil or military, (members of the Legisla- 
ture excepted) shall, until the Legislature shall otherwise provide 
and direct, enter on the execution of his office, or be in any re- 
spect competent to discharge the duties thereof, until he shall, in 
like manner, have taken a similar oath ; and no juror shall be im- 
pannelled in any of the Courts of this State, in any cause in which 
shall be in question this Ordinance, or any act of the Legislature 
passed in pursuance thereof, unless he shall first, in addition to 
the usual oath, have taken an oath that he will well and truly 
obey, execute, and enforce this Ordinance, and such act or acts of 
the Legislature as may be passed to carry the same into operation 
and effect, according to the true intent and meaning thereof. 

And we, the People of South Carolina, to the end that it may 
be fully understood by the Government of the United States, and 
the People of the co-States, that we are determined to maintain 
this, our Ordinance and Declaration, at every hazard. Do further 
Declare^ that we will not submit to the application of force, on the 
part of the Federal Government, to reduce this State to obedience; 



23o 

but that ^vc will consider the passag'e^ by Coiigress, of any act au- 
thorizing the employment of a miiitaiy or naval force against the 
State of South Carolina, her constituted authorities or citizens, or 
any act abolislmig or closing the ports of this State, or an)^ of 
them, or otherwise obstructing the free ingress and egress of vessels 
t) and from the said ports, or any other act, on tlie part of the 
Federal Government, to coerce the State, sliut up her ports, destroy 
or harrass her comnierce, or to enforce the acts hereby declared to 
be null and void, otherwise than through the civil tril)unais of the 
country, as inconsistent with the longer continuance of South Car- 
olina in the Union : and that the People of this State will thence- 
fortli hold themselves absolved from all further obligation to main- 
tain or preserve their political connexion vrith the people of the 
other States, and wall forthwith proceed to organize a seperate 
Government, and to do all other acts and things which sovereign 
jflid independent States may of right do. 

Done in Convention, at Cohwibia, the twenty-fourth day of 
Noiw?nhej', in the year of onr Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and thirty -tic 0, and in the fifty -seventh year of the Declaration 
iif the Independence of the United Stcdes of A^nei'^ica. 

JAMES HAMILTON, Jr., President of the Conventimi, 

and Delegate from St. Petefs. 



ADDRESS, 

To THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH CAROLINA, BY TIIETR DELEGATES 
IN CONVENTION. 

Fellow- Citizens : — Tlie situation in ivliicli you liavc beeo placed 
by the usurpations of tsie Federal Government, is one wliicli yoit- 
so peculiarly feel, as to render all reference to it at this moment 
unnecessary. For tiie last ten years the subject of your grievances 
has been presented to you. This subject you have well considereda 
You have viewed it in all its aspects, bearings, and tcndences, and 
you seem more and more confirmed in tlie opinion, expressed by 
both branches of the Legislature, thattlie Tariff, in its operolion, is. 
not only "grossly unequal and unjust, but is such an abuse of power 
as is incompatible witii the principles of a Free Government, and 
the great ends of civil society;" and that, if persisted in, " the fate 
of this State would be poverty and utter desolation." Correspon- 
dent v/ith this conviction, a disposition is manifested in every sec- 
tion of the country, to arrest, by some means or other, the progress 
of this intolera]:)le evil. This disposition having arisen from no 
sudden excitement, but having been gradually fonued by the free 
and temperate discussions of the Press, there is no reason to believe 
that it can ever subside, hj any means short of the removal of the 
urgent cabuse ; and it is under this general conviction, that we have 
been convened to take into consideration, not only the cliaracter 
and extent of your grievances, but also the mode and measure of 
redress. 

This duly, Fe]lovv^-Citi7:cns, wc have disciiarged (o tlie best of our 
judgments, and tiic result of our deliberations will be found in tlie 
Declaration aiul Ordinance just passed by us — founded on 
the great and undeniable truth, that in all cases of a palpable, op- 
pressive and dangerous infraction of the Federal compact, oacli 



233 

(*_ 
(State has a right to annul, and to reader inoperative within its Umits, 

all such unauthorized acts. After the luRiinous expositions which 
have heen already furnished by so many great minds, that the ex- 
ercise of this right is compatible with the lirst principles of our an- 
omalous scheme of Government, it vv^ould be superfluous here to 
state at length the reasons by which this mode of redress is sus- 
tained. A deference, however, for the opinions of those of our 
fellow-citizens v;ho have hitherto dissented from us, demands that 
we should briefly state the principal grounds upon Vvdricli we place 
the right and tlie expediency of Nullification. 

The Constitution of the United States, as is admitted by con- 
temporaneous writers, is a compact between Sovereign States. — 
Though the subject matter of that compact, was a government, 
the poYv^ers of vvhich Government were to operate to a certain 
extent upon the people of those Sovereign States, aggregately^ 
and not upon the State Authorities, as is usual in Confederacies, 
still the Constitution is a Confederacy. First— It is a Confedera- 
c}^, because, in its foundations, it. possesses not one single feature 
of nationality. The people of the separate States, as distinct 
political communities, ratified the Constitution, each State acting 
for itself, and binding its own citizens, and not those of any other 
State. The act of ratification declares it '• to be binding: on the 
States, so ratifying." The States are its authors — their pwwer 
created it — their voice clothed it with authoiity — the Government 
it formed, is, in reality, tAefr Government, and the Union of which 
it is the bond, is a Union of States, and not of -individuals. Se- 
condl}^ — It is a Confederacy, because the extent of. the powers of 
the Government depends, not upon the people of the United States 
collectively, but upon the State Legislatures, or on the people of 
the separate States, acting in their State Conventions, each State 
being represented by a single vote. 

It must never be forgotten, that it is to the creating and to the 
controling pov/ er, that we are to look for the true character of the 
Federal Government ; for the present controversy is, not as to the 
SOURCES from which the ordinary po.vers of the Government are 
drawn ; these are partly federal, and partly national. Nor is it 
relevant, to consider upon whom these powers operate. In this 
last view, the Government for ///'yj/.Vc? purposes is entirely national. 



23^' 

The true question is, who are the parties to the compact? Who 
created, and who can alter and destroy it? Is it the Slates or the 
People? This question has heen ah-eady answered. The States, 
as States, ratified the compact. The people of the United States, 
collectively, had no agency in its formation. There did not exist 
then, nor has there existed at any time since, such a political body 
as the people of the United States, There is not now, nor has 
there ever been such a relation existing, as that of a citizen of 
New Hampshire, and a citizen of South Carohna, bound together 
in the same social compact. It Vv^ouid be a waste of time to dwell 
longer on this part of our subject. We repeat, that as regards the 
FOUNDATION, and tlie extent of its powers, the Goverilment of 
the United States is strictly what its name implies, a Federal 
Government — a league between several Sovereigns ; and in these 
views, a more perfect Confederacy has never existed in ancient or 
modern times. 

On looking into this Constitution, we find that the most import- 
ant sovereign powers are delegated to the central Government : 
and all other powers are reserved to the States. A foreign or an 
inattentive reader, unacquainted v/ith the origin, progj-ess, and 
history of the Constitution, would be very apt, from the phraseol- 
ogy of the insti'ument, to regard the States as having divested 
themselves of their Sovereignty, and to have become great corpo 
rations subordinate to one supreme Government. But this is an 
error. The States are as Sovereign now, as they v^^ere prior to 
their entering into the compact. In common parlance, and to 
avoid circumlocution, it may be admissible enough to speak of 
delegated and reserved Sovereignty. But correctly speaking, 
Sovereignty is a unit. It is '• one, indivisible and unalienable." 
It is, therefore, an absurdity to imagine that the Sovereignty of 
the States is surrendered in part, and retained in part. The Fed- 
erpJ Constitution is a treaty, a confederation, an alliance, by which 
so many Sovereign States agree to exercise their sovereign powers- 
conjointly upon certain objects of external concern, in which they 
are equally interested, such as war, peace, combierce. Foreign 
Negotiation, and Indian Trade ; and upon all other subjects of 
civil Government, they are to exercise their Sovereignty separatehj- 
This is the true nature of the conipact. 



210 

For the couveiiieiil coiijoiiil exercise oi' tlie Soverelgiity of ilae 
States there must, of necesoity, l)c youic coinnion agency or fane- 
tionary. Tliis agency is the Federal Govcrnnient, It represents 
the confederated Stales, and executes their joint will, as expressed 
in the coiTipact. The powers of this Government are wholly 
derivailve. It possesses no more inherent so\^ereignty than an in- 
corporated tov\^n, or any other great coi-porate hody — it is a pohti- 
cal corporation, and, like all corporations, it looks for its power to 
an exterior source. That source is the States. It wants that " ir- 
resistable, absolute, iincontroled aiitliority," without which, accord- 
ing to jurists, there can be no sovereignty. As the States conferr- 
ed, so' tlfti States can take away its pov/ers. All inherent sove- 
reignty is, therefore, in the States. It is the moral obligation alone 
which each State has chosen to impose upon herself, and not the 
want of sovereignt)^, Vvdiich restrains her from exercising all those 
powers wdiicli (as we are accustomed to express ourselves) she has 
surrendered to the Federal Government. The present organiza- 
tion of our Government, a.s far as regards the terms in which the 
powers of Congress arc delegated, in no wise differs from the old 
Confederation. The powers of the Old Congress were delegated 
rather in stronger language than we find them ^vritten down in 
the new charter ; and yet he w^ould hazard a bold assertion, who 
would say that tlie States of the old Confederacy Avere not as sov- 
ereign as Great Britain, France, and Russia would be, in an alliance 
offensive and defensive. It was not the reservation in express 
terms of the " Sovereignt}^, Freedom, and Independence of each 
State" which made them Sovereign. They would have been 
equally Sovereign, as is universally admitted, without such a reser- 
vation. 

We have said thus much on the subject of Sovereignty, because 
the only foundation upon v/hicli we can safely erect the right of a 
State to protect its citizens, is, that South Carohna, by the -Decla- 
ration of Independence, jjecame, and has siuice continued, a Free, 
Sovereign and Independent State; that as a Sovereign State, she 
has the inherent powxr to do all those acts which, by the law of 
Nations, any Prince or Potentate may of right do ; that, like all 
independent States, she neither has, nor ought she to suffer, any 
other restraint upon her sovereign will or pleasure, than those high 



211 

moral obligations, undeL' wliicli all Princes and States are b»)uiid 
before God and man, to perform their solemn pledges. Tlie inevi- 
table conclusion, trom v. hat has been sa.id, therefore, is, that as in 
all cases of compact between Independent Sovereigns, whcic, from 
the very nature of thing's, there can be no common judge or mnpire, 
each Sovereign has a right " to judge as well of infractions, as of 
the mode and measure of redress" — so in the ])resent controversy 
between South Carolina and the Federal Government, it belongs 
solely to her, by her delegates in solemn Convention assembled, to 
decide, whether tlie Federal compact be violated, ami what remedy 
the State ought to pursue. South Carolina, thei efore, cannot, and 
will not yield to any Department of the Federal Government, and 
still less to the Supreme Court of the United States, the creatui'e of 
a Government which itself is a creatine of the States, a right which 
enters into the essence of all sovereignty, and without which it 
would become a bauble and a name. 

It is fortunate for the view v/hich we have just taken, that the 
history of the Constitution, as traced through the Journals of the 
Convention which framed that instrument, places the right con- 
tended for, upon the same sure foundation. Those journals fmnish 
abundant proof thai '• no hue of jmisdiction between the States 
and Federal Government, in doubtful cases," coidd be agreed on. 
It was conceded by Mr. Madison and Mr. Randolph, the most 
prominent advocates for a Supreme Governmeiu, tljat it was impos- 
sible to draw this line, because no tribunal suihciently impartial, as 
they conceived, could be found, and that there was no alternative, 
but to make the Federal GJovernment Supreme, by giving it, in all 
such cases, a negative on the acts of the State liCgislature. The 
pertinacity with which this negative power was insisted on b\' the 
advocatesof a National Government, even after ail the important 
provisions of the j/ idle iari/ or third article of the Constitution were 
arranged or agreed to, proves, beyond doubt, that tlie Supreme 
Court was never contemplated by either party in that Con\ ention, 
as an arbiter, to decide conflicting claims of sovereignty between 
the States and Congress ; and the repeated rejection of all propo- 
sals to take from the States tlie power of plating tlieir own con- 
struction upon the articles of Union, cvmces that the States were. 

31 



242 

lesolved nev(^.r to pait witli the right to judge whether the acts oi 
the Federal Legislature were, or were not, an m hinge ureiit of those 
articles. 

. Correspondent with the riglit of a sovereign State, to judge of 
the infractions of the Federal Compact, is the dut}^ of this Conven- 
tion to declare the extent of the grievance, and the mode and 
measure of redress. On hoth these points, public opinion has al- 
ready anticipated us, in much that we could urge. , It is douhted 
whether, in an}^ country, any subject has undergone, before the 
people, a more thorough examination than the Constitutionality of 
the several acts of Congress for the protection of Domestic Manu- 
facturers. Independent of the present embarrassments they throve 
in the way of our commerce, and the plain indications that certain 
articles which are the natural exchange for our valuable staple 
prockicts, are sooner or later, to be virtually prohibited — independ- 
ent of the diminution, which tliese impost duties cause in oin- in- 
comes, and the severity of the tax upon all articles of consumption 
needed by the poor, they recognize a principle, not less at war with 
the ends for which this great confederacy was formed, than it is 
with that spirit of justice, and those feelings of concord which ought 
to prevad amongst states united by so many common interests and 
exalted triumphs. The people surely need not to be told, in this 
advanced period of intellect and freedom, that no government can 
be free, which can rightfully impose a tax, for the encouragement 
of one branch of industry, at the expense of all others, unless such 
a tax be justified by some great and unavoidable public necessity. 
Still less can the people believe, that in a confederacy of states, de- 
signed, principally, as an alliance offensive and defensive, its au- 
thors could ever have contemplated that the federal head should 
regulate the domestic industry of a widely extended country, dis- 
tinguished above ail others, for the diversity of interests, pursuits 
and resources in its various sections. It was this acknowledged 
diversity, that caused the arrangement of the conjoint and separate 
exercise of sovereign authority ; the one to regulate external con- 
cerns, and the other to have absolute control " over the lives, libei- 
ties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improve- 
ment, and prosperity of tiie states/' 



243 

It is the striking cliaracteristic in the operation of a limple and 
consolidated goYeinment,that it protects Manufactures, Agiicultiu-e 
or any other branch of tlie public industry — that it can establish 
corporations, or make Roads and Canals, and patronize learning, 
and the arts. But it would be difficult to shew that such w^as the 
government which the sages of the Conveniion designed for the 
states. All these powers v/ere proposed to be given to Congress, 
and they were proposed by that party in the Convention who de- 
sired di firm National Government, The Convention having de- 
cided on the federal form, in exclusion of the nation, all those pro- 
positions were rejected ; and yet we have lived to see an American 
Congress, which can hold no power except by express grant, as 
fully in the exercise of these pov^rers, as if they were part and parcel 
of their expressly delegated authority. Under a pretence of regu- 
lating Commerce, they would virtually prohibit it. Were thisreg^ 
ulation of Commerce resorted to as a means of coercing foreign 
nations to a fair reciprocity in their intercourse with us, or 
for some other bona fide commercial purpose, as. has been justly 
said by our Legislature, the Tariff acts would be Constitutional. 
But none of these acts ha,ve been passed as countervailing or re- 
taliatory measures, for restrictions placed on our Commerce by for- 
eign nations. Whilst other nations feel disposed to relax in their 
restraints upon trade, Congress seems absolutely bent upon the 
interdiction of those articles of merchandize, which are exchange- 
able for the products of Southern labor ; thus causing the principal 
burthen of taxation to fall upon this portion of the Union, q,nd by 
depriving us of our accustomed markets, to impoverish our whole 
Southern country. In the same manner, and under the pretence 
of promoting the Iriternal Improvement of the States, and for 
other equally unjustifiable and unconstitutional purposes. Congress 
is in the constant habit of violating tliose fundamental principles of 
the Constitution, on v/hich alone can rest the prosperity of the 
States, and the durability of the Union. 

It is in vain to imagine, that with a people who have struggled 
for freedom, and know its inestimable value, such a state of affairs 
can be endured longer tban tlieie is a well founded hope, that rea- 
son and justice will resume llu^ir empire in the common council of 
the confederacy. Tlsat liopc having expired with, tlie last session 



244 

.( Conp^resF^Jjy ilic present Tariflf Act tlistincfly and r(ill3M'ecog- 
iiiziiig, as the perniaiient policy of the country, tlie odious princi- 
ple of protection, it occurs to us that there is hut one course for the 
State to pursue. That course, fellow citizens, is resistance. — 
Not pliysicah hut MORAL resistance — not resistance in an angry 
or initated feeling, hut resistance hy such counter-legislation, 
which., whilst it shall evince to the vrorld that our measures are 
l)uilt upon the necessity of tendering to Congress an amicahle 
issue, to try a douhtfnl question, hetween friends and neighbors, 
shall, at the same time, secure us in the enjoyment of our rights 
and privileges. It matters not, fellow-citizens, by what name this 
counter-legislation shall be designated — call it Nullification, State 
interposition. State veto, or hy wliatever other name you please^ 
still if it he hut resistance to an oppressive measure, it is the course 
which duty, patriotism, and self-preservation prescribes. If we are 
asked upon what ground we place the right to resist a paiticular 
law of Congress, and yet regard ourselves as a constituent mem- 
])er of the Union, we answer — the ground of tire compact. We 
do not choose, in a case of this kind, to recur to what are called 
our natural rights, or the right of revolution. We claim to nullify 
hy a more imposing title. We claim it as a constittuionat. 
right; not meanings as some have, imagined, that we fZer/z^£ the 
right from the Constitution, for derivative rights can only helong to 
the f fill ctionaries of the high contracting parties to the Constitu- 
tion, hut we claim to exercise it as one of the parties to the 
compact, and as consistent with its letter, its genius and its spirit^ — 
it l)eing distinctly understood at the time of ratifying the Constitu- 
tion, that the exercise of all sovereign rights not agreed to be had 
conjoijitly, were to be exerted seperately by the States. Though 
it he true, that the provision in favor of what we call the reserved 
rights of the States, was not necessary to secure to the States such 
reserved rights, yet the mere circumstance of its insertion in the 
instrument, makes it as clear a Constitutional provision, as that 
of the power of Congress to raise armies, or to declare war. Any 
exercise of a right in conformity with a Constitu'tional provision, 
we conceive to he a Constitutional right, wjiether it he founded on 
an express grant of the right, or he included in a general reserva- 
tion of undefined powers. The Constitution being the supreme 



246 

law. an J iastriimeiii. in "\Aiiick a ui;::i.ri])iilioii of powers is made be 
1 ween the Federal GJovernment and ihc States, it is incinnbcnt on 
the autJioritiesofeacli Government, so to sJiape their legislation as 
not to overstep the boundaries assigned to tliem. No aet can there- 
fore be done b}* either Government,^v/hich for its vallditf/ can be 
referred to an}^ otlier test tlian the standard of the consti- 
tution. If a State Government passes an act, defining and pnn- 
ishing a burglar}^, or a la\v abolishing the rights of primogeniture, 
it is more correct to sa}', tliat sire is in the exercise of her Constitu- 
/io».«/,than of her nahiral rights, because it is an express Constitth 
/f/o?zr/Z provision, tJiat she should exercise all her sovereign rights, 
not already entrusted to the common functionary of the parties. — 
As.it is impossi]>le, then, tliat any act can be passed by either 
Government, which if dis})uted, nuist not be referred to the Consti- 
tution as the supreme law of tlie parties, so a right is constitutional or 
unconstitutional, a-s shall be found to comport with, or to be repug- 
nant to, the terms or the spirit of that instrument. There is not, 
therefore, a sovereign, or a natural riglit, vdiich South Carolina 
can lawfully exercise in conformity with her engagements, which 
is not stipulated for in the tenth amendment to the Constitution. 
All such rights stipulated for, must be Constitutional. To regard 
them otherwise, Avould be a perversion of terms. 

That Nullification under our reserved rio'hts Vv^as resfarded as 
Constitutional by the Virginia Resolutions of 1798, is clear from the 
exposition of them by tlie celebrated Report, drawn by Mr. Madi- 
son. In defending the third of these Resolutions, wliich asserts the 
doctrine of State interposition and protection, the Committee say, 
''that they have scanned it not merely with a strict, hjtt wUli a 
severe eye ; and they feel confidence in pronouncing, that in its j if si 
and fair consirnction, it is unexceptionably true in ils several 
positions, as w^ell as CONSTITUTIONAL and conclusive in its 
inferences^ Wliat were the positions of the third Resolution ? — 
1st, that the powers of the Federal Government were limited to the 
plain sense of the instrmnent constituting the compact. 2d, That 
in the case of a deliberate, ])a!pable and dangerous infraction of 
the compact, the State has the right to interpose, t^c. Now what 
is the inference? It is that " they are in duty l)ound to ariest the 
progress of the evil, by niaintaining within tlieir RFSP1-]C']'I V]'; 



246 

limits, tlie autliorilie.^; rights and liberties appertaiiiiag to them.' 
This inference, says the report, is -'-CONSTITUTIONAL and 
conchisive.'' The same doctrine was as distincdj aSirnied b}^ the 
Yirgiiiia Assembl}^, in their Resokitions adopting- the Report. They 
:ay '-that having hiUy and accnratel}". re-examined and re-consrd • 
ered these Resokitions, they find it to be their indispensable duty 
to AJ3HERE to the same as founded in truth, as CONSONANT 
WITH THE CONSTITUTION, and as co;?ai/ch-e to its^ine- 
servationP 

We are aware that it has been recently maintained, that jjy the 
State interposition referred to in this Resolution, the Virginia As- 
sembly had allusion to the natni-al right: and Mr. Madison him- 
self ha,s been brought forward to give a construction to this Reso- 
lution contrar}- to the most o'ovions import of the terms. Be it so. 
Then, if the State interposition here spoken of, be a natural right, 
it is a right which the '\lrginia Assembly have pronounced "con- 
sonant vrith the Constitution, and as conducive to its preserva- 
tion." Oi-, in other vv^ords, that without the exercise of this natura 1 
sovereign right of interposition, the Constitution cannot be preserved. 
There is no incongruity in this. It is quite competent for two 
monarclis to stipulate in a treat}^ for that right, which, independ- 
ent of that treaty, would be a natural right : as if a power w^ere 
conferred by the treaty, on the citizens of either Prince, to capture, 
adjudge and execute all subjects of the other, engaged in piracy 
on the high seas. It certainly vrould be more proper to call such 
a right, a Constitutional right, than a natural right, tliough it be 
both. Several of the State Constitutions famish instances of na- 
tural rights being secured by Constitutional provision. Even in 
the instrument we are now considering, tliere is a distinct affirma- 
tion, in terms, of a natural right of sovereignty : such as tlie sove- 
leign right of a State to keep troops and ships of war in a certain 
emergency, or the sovereign right of a State to la,}^ import and ex- 
port duties, for the purpose of executing its inspection laws. In 
these cases, a natural right is also a constitutional right, contrary 
to the definition of those vrho maintain that no right is properly 
constitutional wliich is a sovereign right — because constitutional 
jights are derivative rights, exercised by functionaries. That 
reasoning v^'ouid be indeed strange, vrhich vrould place a natural 



24r 

reserved sovereign right, CAprcascd m ioiiii^, Uj>o;i a, beUcr footing 
than all that mass of rebidiiaiy powei included in the genera! 
reservation of the tentJi aincniiiaent. It would be to create a 
distinction without a difference. The reserved rights, though un- 
defined, are equally ascertaified. Any particular right, not found 
in the enumerated powers of Congress, of course belongs to the 
States. 

Tlie ri<?ht to nuihlV, is universally a:unitted to be a natural 
sovereign right. The natural rights of the States are also admit- 
ted to be their reserved riglits. If they are reserved, they muSt be 
constitutional, because the Constituiio5i being an agreement to 
arrange the mode by which the Stales sliall exercise their sove- 
reignt}^ expressly stipulates for the exercise of tliese powers, in all/ 
cavses not enumerated. To some it n:iay be unimportant upon 
what basis we place the right of a State to protect its citizens, as 
counter-legislation vv^ould be the begiimiiig of resistance in either' 
case ; otJiers may, perliaps, jnstly say, that the whole controversy 
is resolvable into a dispute as to what is, or is not, the proper de 
fruition of a constitutional right. Yv'e, hovv^ever, think it of infin- 
ite importance, in urghig the right of Nullification, to regard it as 
a constitutional-, rather than as a naturad remedy^, because a con- 
stitutional proceeding is calculated to give it a pacific course and 
a higher recommendation. The characteristic, in fact, of the 
American Constitutions in general, is, that they sanctify the funda- 
mental principles of the American Revolution. Whilst other na- 
tions have to resort to the law of nature, and by force to drive 
despots from their thrones— thus incurring what amongst them is 
odiously termed, the guilt of rebelhon, — -we Irere iiave the incalcu 
lablc advantage of a thorough understanding amongst ail classes, 
that it istlie right as well as the dnt}^, of a free people, to recur, 
when necessary, to their sovereign riglrts, to resist oppression. — 
Such a sentiment as this becoming taiuiliar to the pubhc mind^ 
acquires prodigious strength, when its s[)irit is seen to pervade a 
written Constitution, and prevents rather than accelerates opportu- 
nities for an unnecessary recurrence to revolutionary movements. 
Under such a structure of the public seutiiuent, when the voice of 
a Sovereign State shall be spoken, 'ii will be heard in a tone, 
which virtuous go\ernors will oh'v/^ and tyrannical ones shall 



24S 

ijiiEAD." iNothiii;^" €au more recoiicile Nulliiiccitioii to our citizens 
than to know, that if wo are not proceeding according to the 
forms of the Coiistitntion, we are, nevertheless, adhering to its 
spirit. The Convention which framed the C'onstitiition, could not 
agree npon any mode of setthng a dispute hke the present. The 
case was, tliereiore, left unprovided lor, under the conviction, no 
doubt, as is admitted by Mr, Hamilton in " The Federalist," that 
if the Federal Go\ crnment should oppose the States, the State 
Governments would be ready to check it, by virtue of their own 
inherent sovereign pow ers. It may be safely received as an axiom 
iiioiu' jJoliliccdst/ste'misciysMY.'H.'dnniion) tlmi the &'tate Gov- 
eniitients loilliii all emerge/icies, alibrd cojmplete security 
against invasion of the public liberty by the national authority. 
Projects of usurpation cannot be masked under pretences so like- 
ly to escape the penetration of. select bodies of men, as of the peo- 
ple at large — The Legislature will have better means of infor- 
mation. The)^ can discover the danger at a distance; di\\(S. pos- 
sessing all the organs of ciyil powder, and the confidence of the 
people, they can at once adopt a regular plan of opposition, 
in which they can condjine all the resources of the community.^'' 

That measure cannot be revolutionary, which is adopted, not 
with a view to resort to force, but by some decisive measures to call 
the attention of the co-states to a disputed question, in such a form 
as to compel them to decide what aie, or are not the rights of the 
States, in a case of a palpable and dangeious infraction of those 
fundamental principles of liber t}^, in which they all have an in- 
terest. 

In the exercise of the right of Nullification, we are not unmind- 
ful of the many objections which have been urged ag-ainstit. That 
it may embarrass the present majority in Congress, who are fatally 
bent upon building up the sectional interests of their constituents, 
upon the ruin of our commerce, we can readily imagine : but these 
embarrassments, on examination, v/ill be found to proceed rather 
from an unwillingness, on their part, to adjust the controversy on 
principles of reason and justice, than from any real difficulty exist- 
in'3- in the Constitution. The provisions of the Constitution are ample 
for taking the sense of the States on a (luestion more important 
than any which has occuied since the formation of the Government. 



249 

Bat if the spirit of justice departs from (lie councils, to which ws 
have a right to look up, as the guardians of public liberty and the 
public peace, no provisions of liuman wisdom can avail. We have 
heard much of the danger of suffering one State to impede the op- 
erations of twenty-three sta^tes ; but it must be obvious to every 
considerate man, that the danger can only exist v/here a State is 
wrong. If the people of any one State arc right in the principles 
for which they contend, it is desira])le that tliey sliould impede the 
operations of Congress, until the sentiments of its co-states shall be 
had. A higher eulogy could not be bestov/ed upon our system, 
than the power of resorting to some conservative principle, thcit 
shall stay a disruption of the league. It is no argument, to say 
tiiat a State may have noQ^<rau.({^ on which to place herself upon 
her sovereign riglit^. This is a possililc, but hy no means a proba- 
ble case. Experience has given us a most instructive lesson on 
this very subject — it has taught us, that the danger is not that a 
State ma}^ resort to her sovereign rights too often, but that she W' ill 
not avail herself of them v/hen necessary. Look, fellow-citizens, to 
our^tate. For ten years we have petitioned and remonstrated 
against the unconstitutionality of the Taiilf Acts, and though the 
conviction has been imiversal. that tlie effects of the system would 
be ruinous to our interests, yet the difficulty has been great, to bring 
the people to the resisting point. 

And so w^ith other objections. It has been maintained by us, 
that according to the philosophy of the government, and the true 
spirit of the compact, it becomes Congress in ah emergencies like 
the present, to solicit for the states the call of a Conventioji. That 
upon such a convocation it should be incumbent, on the states 
claiming the doubtful power, to propose an amendment to the 
Constitution, giving the doubtful pov.er, and on failue to obtain it 
by a consent of three-fourths of all the states, to regard the power 
as never having been intended to be given. We must not be un- 
derstood to say, that this was matter even of implit3d stipulation, at 
the formation of the compact. The Constitution is designedly 
silent on the subject, on account of the extreme difficulty, in the 
minds of its framers, of appointing a mode of adjusting these dif- 
ferences. This difficulty wc no\v discover was imaginary. It had 
its source in apprehensions, v,d'iieh an experience of upwards of 

32 



250 

forty ycaio iia,.; piovcd ;.■-; i/^ v/iii.ui- ui -h /i a ibundaiion.-^ — 

Many of tiio ;:^agco of thai day were dissalibiieJ wuli their work, for 
a reason wLlcli i:^ lliu very o[M>o:iile of the ii iUIl They feared, not 
that the General Govennnonl would encroach uoon the rifdits of 
the states, bat that the states would perp-etnally be disposed to pass 
their boundaries of power, and unally deslruy the confederation. 

Had they been blessed wiUi tlie experience which we iiave a,c- 
(juired, there coukl iiave becii no objection to trusting the states, 
who created the Goyernnieni, and wlio W'ould not wiiudly embar- 
rass it, with a veto under certain n:odiiicaliuns. It seems but rea- 
sonable, that a disputed power, v/hich it would have required three- 
fourths of the states to add to the Constiiution, ouglit not to be in- 
sisted on by a majority in Congress, impliedly conferred, if more 
than one-fourth should object to it. To deny this, would be to 
decide finally the validity of a povver by a posliivc majority of the 
people at large, histcad of a concurring majoiily of the States.— 
There is, it is true, one o»>jection, and oiily one, to this view, and 
that is, that under this theory, a majority little beyond the one- 
fourth, as for instance seven states out of tv/enty-four, might de- 
{nave Congress of pov/ers which have been expressly delegated. — 
The ansv/er to this is, that it would be a very extreme case for a 
single State to claim the resumption of a povver which it had clear- 
ly delegated in positive terms.- But it seems almosi beyond the 
range of possibility, that six other states sJioald be found to sustain 
a mdliiying State in t>uch a preiension. Should such a case ever 
occur, as upwards of one-fouth of tlie Slates resolving to break tlieir 
pledges, without the sliglitest pretence, it would shov/ that it w^as 
time to dissove the league. If a spirit of friendship and fair deal- 
ing cannot bind together the members of this Union, the sooner it is 
dissolved the better. So that this objection is rather nomina,ithan 
substantial. But the evil of this objection is that whilst its admis- 
sion woidd relieve us from an imaginaiy peril, v/e should beplunged 
mto that certain danger of an unrestricted liberty of Congress to 
give us, instead of a confederated governnicnt, a government v/ith- 
out any other limitation upon its power than the will of a ma- 

Other ohjections have been urged against Nullification. It is 
said that the President or Congress miglu employ the military and 



-^ 251 

naval force of the Ujiifed Slates to reduce the ■in;] ' , ;;:^: lates into 
'"•bedience, and tJius produce a civil disscntion anion<];:;t tlie mem- 
bers of the confederacy. We do not deem it necessary, in a com- 
mmiity so conversant with tJiis part of the snJijcct ns that of Soiidi 
CaroUna, to recapituJate the arguments wliicli b^ris ])een urged 
against such an improbable course, l^c/Ji for v;aiit of power, and 
oil the ground of expediency. But we cannot pass over one view, 
wiiich wo think sulFicient to quiet all apprehension on that score. 
We hve in an age of reason and intellect. Tlie idea of using foi'co 
on an occasion of tiiis kiiid, is utterly at variance VvUth the genius 
and spirit of tlie ilmcrican people. In trutli, it is becoming repug- 
nant even to the genius nnd spirit of tlie goveinments of the old 
world. We have late secii in Eno-bud one of the greatest reforms 
achievedj whicli her history records — a rcfoi-m which her Vvisest 
statesmen twenty years ago, vvould have predicted could not be 
accomplished v.dthout civil war, brought about b}^ a bloodless re- 
volution. The cause is maiiifcst. Not only are the people every 
Vv^here better informed, but sucli is the iniluencc which public opin- 
ion exerts over constituted authorities, that the rules of this earth 
are more swayed hj reason and justice than formerly. Under 
such evidcBt indications of the march of mind and intellect, it 
would i>e to pay but a . poor compliiuent to the people of these 
States, to imagine that a measure taken b3/ a Sovereign State, 
with the most perfect good feeling to her confederates, aiid to the 
perpetuity of the Union, and with no other viev/ than to force upon 
its members tlie consideration of a most important coiistitution- 
al question, siiould teruiinate otherv/ise tlian pcacea'niy. 

Fellow-citizens, it is our honest and linii belief, that nullification 
wall preserve, and not destroy, this Union. But we should regret 
to conceal from you that if Congress should not be animated with 
a patriotic and liberal fooling in tJiis coniuucture, tliey can give to 
this controversy what issue 1 hey nlonse Adiuit, then, that there 
is risk of a serious conflict witli tlic fecicral government. We 
Icnow no better way t,o avoid the clumce of hostile measures in our 
opponents, than to evince a readhiess to meet danger, come from 
what r[uartcr it will. We should think ib.at the Americnn Revo- 
hition was indeed to little pui-pos(\ if a consideration of this kind 
Vs'ere to deter our people from asseriing their sovereign rights. — 



252 

That, revolution, it is well known, was not entered into jjy onr 
Southern ancestors from an}^ actual oppression, vrhicli the people 
suffered. It was a contest waged for principle, eniphaticaliy 
for principle. The calamities of revolution, strife, and civil war, 
were fairly presented to the illustrious patriots of those timcFr 
which tried the souls of men. The alternative was either to re- 
main dependent colonies in hopeless servitude, or to become free, 
sovereign and independent states — To attain such a distinguished 
rank amongst the nations of the earth, there vras but one path, 
and that the path of glory— the crowning glojy of being account- 
ed worthy of all suffering, and of embracing all the calamities of a 
protracted war abroad, and of domestic evils at home, rather than 
to surrender their liberties. , The result of their labors is'known 
to the world, through the flood of light which that revolution has 
shed upon the science of government, and the rights of man— in 
the "LESSON it has taught the oppressor, arid in the example it 
has afforded to the oppressed"— in the invigoration of the spirit of 
of freedom every where, and in the amelioration it is producing in 
the social order of mankind. 

Inestimable are the blessings of that w^eil regulated freedom 
Vv^hich permits man to direct his labors and his enterprise to the 
pursuit or branch of industry for vsdiich he conceives - nature has 
qualified him, unmolested by avarice enthroned in power. Such 
was the freedom for which South Carolina struggled when a de- 
pendent colony. Such is the freedom of which she once tasted as 
the first fruit of that revolutionary triamph which she assisted to 
achieve. Such is the freedom she reserved to herself on entering 
into the league. Such is the freedom of which she has been de- 
prived, and to wdiich she must be restored, if her commerce be 
v/orth preserving, or the spirit of her Laurens and her Gadsden 
has not fled forever from our bosoms. It is In vain to tell 
South Carolina that she can look to any administration of the fed- 
eral government for the protection of her sovereign rights, or the 
redress of her southern wrongs. Yf here the fountain is so pollu- 
ted, it is not to be expected that the stream will again be pure. 
The protection to which in all representative governments the peo- 
ple have been accustomed to look, to wit, the responsibilit}' of the 
governors to be governed, has proved nerveless and illusoiy — under 



:-acIi a system, iiolliing but a radical lefurui in our j^ulilioal itisti- 
tutions can preserve this Uiiion. It is fall time that wc slionld 
know wliat rights we have under tlie federal constitution, and more 
especially ought v/e to know vriiether v/e are to live under a con- 
solidated government, or a confederacy of states— whetiicr the 
states be sovereign, or their local Legislatures be mere corporations. 

A FRESH UNDERSTANDINCJ OF THE BARGAIN WC dccm absolute- 
ly NECESSARY. No uiodc can be devised by vs'liich a dispute can 
be referred to the source of a.11 power, but by some one state taking 
the lead in the great enterprizc of reform. Till some one Southern 
Sta.te tenders to the Fedel-al Government an issue, it will continue 
to have its •' appetite increased by what it feeds on." History ad- 
monishes us that rulers never have the forecast to su]3stitute in 
gopd time reform for revolution. Ti'hey forget that it is ahvays. 
more desirable that the just claims of the governed slioukl break 
in on them " through well contrived and well disposed windows, 
not through flaws and breaches, through the yawning chasm of 
their own ruin." One State must, under the awfui prospects be- 
fore us, throw herself into the breach in tliis great struggle for 
constitutional freedom. There is no other mode of awakening the 
attention of the co-states to grievances Vvdiich if suffered to accu- 
mulate must dismember the Union. It has fallen to our lot, fel- 
low-citizenSj fn-st to quit our trenches. Let us go on to the as- 
sault with- cheerful hearts and undaunted minds. 

Fellow-citizens, the die is now cast. We have solemnly resolv- 
ed on the course which it becomes our beloved State to pursue— 
we have resolved ihat until these abuses shall l)e reformed, NO 
MORE TAXES SHALL BE PAID HERE. "Millions for 
defence, but not a cent for tribute." And now we call upon our 
citizens, native and adopted, to prepare for the crisis, and to meet 
it as becomes men and freemen. AVe call upon all classes and 
parties to forget their former differences, and to unite in a solemn 
determination never to abandoji this contest until such a chancre 
be effected in the councils of the naUon, that all the citizens of 
this confederacy shall paiticipate equally in t lie benefits and thev 
burthens of the Government. To this solemn duly we now invoke 
you, in then aine of all that is sacred and valuable to man. We 
invoke you in the name of tliat i.ibkuty whicli has been acquiredf 



254 

by you IVom an illnstriou-; apcc';;!ry, nnd wlncii it is yoiir duly to 
t].iR>:]nif, uniii^pni]-c.l to the most distant c;cnorations. We invoke 
you ill the uraae of the Constitution w]sic]-i yon profess to ven- 
ej-ate, and of titat Ur^rox wldr'i you are all dcsij-ous to perpetuate, 
L>y the reverence you bear to these yoni- institutions — by all the 
ioveyou ]>ear to liberty ; by the detestation you liave for servitude 
— by all the abiding memorials of 3'our past f:^]ories — by the proud 
associa-tion of your exalted and yourconvnion triumphs in th_e fn-st 
and .^Toatest of our revolutions; by tlic force of all those sublime 
ti'uilis Vvldcii tliat event has inculcated amon^'st the nations — by 
the noble iiajuc of repuJjlican enthnsiasni v.diich v/arms 3/our bos- 
osus, we conjure you in this miglity strug^gle to give 3^our hearts and 
souls a.nd minds to yonr inun;ed and oppi'essed State, and to sup- 
port her cause pu;:>rLcly and privately, V\'ith your opinions, j^our 
prayers^ and your actions. U appeals such as these prove una- 
vailing, we then COM]\IANI) YOUIl OBEDIENCE to the laws 
anid the authorities of the State, by a title which none can gain- 
say. We demand it ]:>y that Allegiance, whicli is reciprocal with 
the protection, you have received from the State. We admit of no 
o])edience to a^ny authority, which shall conllict Vvith that primary 
allegiance, wliich every citizen owes to the State of liis birth or liis 
adoption. There is not, nor has there ever been, ^- daij direct or 
hmnedlate allegiance between the citizens of South Carolina and 
the Federal Government. The relation between them is through 
the State." South Carolina having entered itito thexonstitutional 
compact, as a seperate, independent, political community, as li^s 
already been stated, has the right to declare an unco5istitutional 
act of Congress, null and void — After hci" sovereign declaration 
that the act shall not be enforced within her limits, '■' such a decla- 
ration is obligator}^ on her citizens. As far as its citizens are con- 
cerned, the clear right of the State is to declare tlic extent of the 
obligation." This declaration once made, the citizen has no 
course but TO OBEY. If he refuses obedience, so as to bring 
himself under the (hspleasiire of his only and lavvfal sovereign, 
and within the severe pains and penal [ies, which by her higlr sove- 
reign power the Legislature will not fail to provide in licr self-de- 
A^nce, tiie fault and \]w ualy mu^:t Ijohis own. 



255 ' 

AiidiioWj Icllow-ci'iztiio, i-a\ui., i\i.:(ALii[\\:>A ilic suiciiiii duty tu 
wiiich ^veilavc beca siiniiLiuncil, in iicii;4y bi;.; wilh llic most im 
porlaiit results to the iibcrlies, peace, salct/; niid liai)piiiess of this 
once liarinonious but now diotracted confederacy, we conjioend 
our cause to that great Disposer of evejits, wiio (if lie lias not al- 
ready for some inycrutaljie purjjose of I]is own, ciccreed otlierwisc) 
Avili smile on the eilorls of trulli and justice. \¥e know that "un- 
less the Lord keepeth the cit}^, the watchman waketh but in vain;" 
but relying, as we do, in tliis controversy, on tlie purily of oiir 
niollves and the honor of our cnds^ we make this a|)])eai with all 
the confidence, which in times of trial and dilllcuUy, ought to in- 
spii'c the bi-east of the jjatriot and the christian. I*'ellow-ciii2:enSj 
DO YOUil DUTY TO YOUii COUNTRY, AND LEAVEi 
THF; GONSEaUENCES TO GOD. 



xiCTG' PASSED IN CONVENTION. 

Under the Acts of lite Ordinance liiclr [Ike leitdlng pollllcians 
of thidJi Carolina) hope of suxccus in disdolvtnp' iiio Union 
bf/ the aid and ai^slstance of ih.e rest of the ^oidltern States.^ 
icill fidly appear from the folloiclng inducen tend held out to 
the other i'dtatcs^ pretending to them they were merely united 
to them fur the benefit ef the NortJi^ withoat being the least In- 
terested t/teniseives : 

" Under these circumstances, wc camiot permit ourselves to be 
lieve, for a moment^ that in a crisis marked by such portentous 
and fearful omens, those states can liesitrtte in acceding to tJiis 
airaj^gcment. when they perceive that it will be the means, and 
possibly tlie only means, of restoring tlie broken harmony of this 
great cojifederacy. They, njost assuredly, liave the strongest of 
human inducements, asiile fjom all coi)sidcra(ions of justice, to 
adjust tins controversy, without pushing it to extremilieo. This 
can be accomplislicd only by the proposed modilication of the Tar- 
lii] or by the call ui a ';jneral Convention of all the states. If 
South Carolina should bo driven out of the Unior^, ah the ctliei 



])la!iting States, and yomo of the \\ Cslcru iStateSj woiild follow by 
■an almost absolute necessity. Can it be believed that Georgia^ 
Mississip])!. Tennessee, and even Kentucky, would continue to 
pay a tribute of lifty per cent, upon their oonsiiiuption, to the 
No]'thern States, for the ]}rivilege of jjeing united to them, when 
they could receiv^e all their supplies through the ports of South 
Carolina, without paying a single cent of tribute ?''^ — StcUutes at 
Large of Soittk Carolina, vol. i, page -353. 



All Act to cam/ oat the principles of the Ordinance^ and to com- 
pel the citizeiis to resist tJie constituted laws of the United 
States, and fixing laics for the purpose of punishing them 
with severe pains and lienalties if they did not; also, of dt- 
throjiing them of tJieir of ices. 

"Whereas, by the said Ordinance, it is declared and ordaineclj 
^ That the sev^eral Acts, a^nd parts of Acts, of the Congress of the 
United States, purporting to be iavv^s for the purpose of imposing 
of duties and imposts on the importation of foreign commodities, 
andnov/ havini?; actual operation and elfect within the United 
States, and more especially an Act entitled an Act in alteration of 
the several acts imposing duties on imports, approved on the nine- 
teenth day of ivla.y, one thousand eight himdred and twenty-eight 
iind also an Act entitled an Act to alter and amend the several 
Acts imposing duties on imports, approved on the fourteenth day 
of July, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-tw^o, are unau- 
thorized by the Constitution of the United States, and violate the 
true meaning and intent thereof, and are null, void, and no law, 
•nor binding upon this State, its officers or citizens." And "whereas, 
also, by the said Ordinance, it is ordained that it shall be the duty 
of the Legislature to adopt such measures, and pass such Acts, as 
may be necessary to give full efibct to that Ordinance, and to pre- 
vent the enforcement, and arrest the operation of the said Acts and 
parts of Acts of the Congress of the United States, w^ithinthe limits 
of this State, from and after the first day of February next ; now, 
therefore, to carry into effect in part, the said Ordinance : 

Sec. 1 . Be it enacted hy the Sencde and House of Representa- 
tives, nmv met and sitting in Gcnercd Assemhly^and by the aufJio- 



r it y of the same. That from and after the first da}r of February 
next if any goods, wares or mercliandize, shall be seized or de- 
tained, under the pretence of securing the duties imposed by any 
of the said several Acts or parts of Acts, of the Congress of the 
United States^ so annulled by the Ordinance as aforesaid, or for the 
non-payment, of any such duties, or under any process, order or 
decree, mesne or final, or other pretext, contrar}^ to the true intent 
and meaning of the said Oj-dinance, the person or persons to whom 
the said goods, wares or merchandize are consigned, or who may 
be lawful!}^ entitled to the possession of the same, may, upon mak- 
ing affidavit of such seizure or detention, proceed to recover posses- 
sion thereof, and damages, by an action of replevin ; and the pro- 
ceedings therein shall be as in other cases of replevin, according to 
the lav%^ and usages of this State, except as modified or altered hj 
this Act ; or such person or persons may proceed in any other man- 
ner, authorized by law, in cases of unlawful seizure or detention 
of personal property. 

Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, That before the Sheriff shall de- 
liver the said goods to the plaintiff, in replevin, it shall be his duty 
to take from the said plaintiff a bond, with good and siifiicient se- 
curity, in the penal sum of the full value of the said goods, with 
the condition that he will prosecute the said suit vrith effect, and 
well and truly abide and fulfil the final judgement and determina- 
tion of the Court therein. 

Sec. 3. Be it further enacted, That in case of refusal to deliver 
the said goods, or of removal of the same in any v/ay, so that the 
writ of replevin cannot be executed, on the return of ih.Q Sheriff to 
that effect, and an ciffidavit made before any justice of the quorum 
that the said goods had been seized and detained, and of the refu- 
sal to deliver the same, or that the same had been removed as afore- 
said, and of the value thereof, the plaintiff in replevin may sue out 
a writ in the nature of a capias in withernam, authorizing and 
requiring the Sheriff of any of the districts of this State, to distrain 
the personal estate of the person or persons so refusing to deliver 
the said goods or removing the same so that the said process can- 
not be executed. And the Sheriff shall thereupon seize and take 
into his possession any personal estate of the defendant or defen- 
dants, to the amount of double the value so swoi-n as aforesaid, and 

33 



25B 

hold the same at a proper cxpcjLsc of the ovrner or ownei's thereof, inivA 
the said goods are produced and dehvered to the said SheritT. Provi- 
ded, that nothing iii this clause contained shall be in any manner 
construed to deprive the SherilT of any right and poAver which he 
now has ]3y lav/ in the execution of the Y\a-it of replevin. 

Sec. 4. Be it further enacted^ That if after the delivery of the 
said goods 'by the Sheriff to the plaintiff, in replevin, any attempt 
should be made to re-capture, or to seize the same, or the same 
should be actually re-ca,ptured or seized, under pretence of secur- 
ing the duties imposed by any of the several acts of Congress afore- 
said, or for the non-payment of any such duties, or under any pro- 
cess, order, or decree, or other pretext, contrary to the true intent 
and meaning of the Ordinance aforesaid, it shall be the duty of the 
Sherifi^j on affidavit made to that effect, to prevent sucli re -capture 
or seizure, or to re-deliver the goods to the Piantiff, in replevin, as 
the case ma}/" be, and the Sheriff shall have the same power and 
authority for that purpose as lie had in the original execution of 
the writ of replevin. 

Sec. 5. Be it further enacted hy the authority aforesaid^ That 
if any person shall pay any of the duties imposed by either of the 
acts of Congress aforesaid, the person so paying may recover back 
the same, together with the interest thereon, in an action for mon- 
ey had and received, in any Court of competent jurisdiction: Pro- 
vided, that such action be brought within one year from the time of 
said payment. 

Sec. 6. Be it further enacted hy the authority aforesaid^ That 
if any person shall be arrested or imprisoned, by virtue of any order 
or execution for the enforcement or satisfaction of any judgment 
or decree obtained in any Federal Court for duties claimed under 
the acts of Congress, so annulled as aforesaid, or upon any other 
proceedings contrary to the true intent and meaning of the said 
Ordinance, he shall be entitled to all the benefits and previleges 
secured to the citizen in case of unlawful arrest or imprisonment, 
by the statute made of force in this State, commonly called the 
Habeas Corpus Act ; and he may also maintain an action of tres- 
pass for such unlawful arrest or imprisonment. 

'■Sec. 7. Be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid^ 
That if any real or personal estate of any person shall be seized, or 



259 

ievied on, or sold by virtue of any Fieri FacIa.Sj or other process for 
the enforcement or sa,tisfaction of any judgment or decree, obtained 
in any Federal Court, for duties claimed under the acts of Con- 
gress, so annulled as aforesaid, such seizure, levy, or sale, shall be 
held and regarded, in the Courts of this State, as illegal, and such 
sale sha.ll in no wise divest, or in any manner impair the title of 
the defendant, in an;r such suit or action, to the property thus sold. 

Sec. 8. Be it further enacted^ That if any Clerk, Commission- 
er or Hegister. shall furnish a record, or a cop}^ of a record in his 
office, of any case in Law or Equit}^, wherein is drawn in question 
the authority of the said Ordinance, or the validity of tlie Acts of 
the Legislature, passed to give effect thereto, or the validity of the 
said Acts of Congress, or permit or allow any such record, or a copy 
of such recordj to be taken for any purpose, he shall be deemed 
guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof, be punished 
by fine, not exceeding one thousand, nor less than one hundred 
dollars, and by imprisomnent, not exceeding one year nor less than 
one month. 

Sec. 9. Be it farther enacted^ That if any person shall disobe^f' 
obstruct or resist any process granted or allowed by this Act, or 
shall eloign, secrete or willfuli}^ remove any goods, wares or mer- 
chandize, or do any other act, so as to present the same from being 
replevied, according to the provisions of the first section of this Act, 
such person, his aiders and abettors, shaJl be guilty of a misde- 
meanor, and upon conviction thereof, shall be punished b}^ fine, 
not exceeding five thousand, nor less than one thousand dollars, and 
be imprisoned for a term not exceeding two years, nor less than 
six months ; besides being liable to indictment, or other proceeding 
a,llowed by law, for any other offence involved in the connnission 
of said misdemeanor. 

Sec. 10. Be it further enacted, That should an}^ person, after 
the delivery of any goods by the Sheriff to the Piahitiff, in reple- 
■\dn, as herein provided, re-capture or seize, or attempt to re-capture 
cr seize the same, under pretence of securing the duties imposed 
by any of the several acts of Congress aforesaid, or for the non- 
payment of any such duties, or under VLWy process, order or decree, 
or other pretext, contrary to the fruc intent and meaning of*the 
Ordinance aforesaid, such person, his aiders or abettor;^, shall be 



260 

deemed guilt}^ of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof, 
shall be punished by fine, not exceeding ten thouspaid, nor less than 
three thousand dollars, and imprisonment, for a term not exceed- 
ing two years, nor less than one year, besides being lia,bie to in- 
dictm.ent, or other. proceeding allov/ed by law, for any other of- 
fence involved in the commission of said misdemeanor. 

Sec. 11. Be it further enacted^ That if any of the keepers of 
the public gaols in this State, shall receive and detain any person 
arrested or committed by virtue of any order, process or other ju- 
dicial proceedings made, had or issued to enforce the pa5-ment or 
collection of any of the duties imposed by, or claimed under, the 
said acts of Congress, annulled b}' the Ordinance aforesaid, or on 
any other proceedings contrary to tlie true intent and meaning of 
the said Ordinance, such keeper shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, 
and upon conviction thereof, shall be imprisoned for a term not 
exceeding one year, nor less than one month, and fined in a sum 
not exceeding one thousand dollars, nor less than one hundred 
dollars, and shall aiso be hable to the person aggrieved, in an ac- 
tion of trespass. 

Sec. 12. Be it further enacted^ That if any person or*persons 
shall knowingly let or hire, or use, or permit to be used, any place, 
house or building, to serve as a gaol for the detention or confine- 
ment of any person arrested or committed by virtue of any order, 
processor other judicial proceedings made, had or issued to en- 
force the payment or collection of any duties imposed by the said 
acts of Congress annulled by the Ordinance aforesaid, or upon 
any other proceedings contrary to the true intent and meaning of 
the said Ordinance, he or they shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, 
and upon conviction thereof, shall be imprisoned for a term not 
exceeding one year, nor less than one month, and fined in a sum 
not exceeding one thousand dollars, nor less than one hundred 
dollars. 

Sec. 13. Be it further enacted, That no Indictment under this 
Act shall be subject to Traverse. 

Sec. 14. Be it further enacted.. That the fines collected under 
this Act shall be paid into the Public Treasury. 

Sec. 15. Be it further enacted, Tha,t on the trial of any suit 
or action, in which shall be brought in question the Ordinance 
aforesaid, or this Act the same may be given in evidence Vv^ithout 
being specially pleaded. 



261 

Sec. 16. Be it further enacted, That this Act shall commence 
and be of force from and aftei- the first day of February next.— 
Statutes at Large of South Carolina^ vol. 1, p«^e 371. 



An Act providing Oaths for Officers and Judges in support of 
the priiiciples of the Ordinance, for the purpose of forcing the 
people under the authority, of the Legislature of the 
State. Many other showings might he made to the same im- 
port hut it appears to me suffi.cient has been shown : 
•"Sec. 1. V^HEREAS, by the Ordmance passed in Conven- 
tion of this State, at Columbia, on the twenty-fourtli day of 
November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and thirty-two, it is ordained, that all persons now holding any 
office of honor, profit or trust, civil or military, under this State, 
Members of tlie Legislature excepted, shall, Vvdthin such time, and 
in such manner, as the Legislature shall prescribe, take an oath, 
well and truly to obey, execute, and enforce the said Ordinance, 
and such Act or Acts of the Legislature as may be passed in pur- 
suance thereof, according to the true intent and meaning of the 
same, and on the neglect or omission of any such person or persons 
so to do, his- m their office or offices shall be forthwith vacated, and 
shall be filled up, as if such person or persons Vv'ere dead or had 
resigned ; and no person hereafter elected to any office of honor, 
profit or trust, civil or military, Members of the Legislature ex- 
cepted, shall, until the Legislature shall otherwise provide and di- 
rect, enter on the execution of liis office, or be in any respect com- 
petent to discharge the duties thereof, until he shall, in like man- 
ner, have taken a similar oath: — 

Be it therefore enacted, by the Senate and House of Represen- 
tatives, and by the authority of the same, That the Ihrm of said 
oath shall be as follows : " 1 do solenmly swear (or affirm) that I 
will well and truly obey, execute, and enforce the Ordinance to 
nullify certain acts of the Congress of the United States, purport- 
ing to be laws laying duties and imposts upon the importation of 
foreign commodities, passed in Convention of this State, at Co- 
himbia, on the twent_v-fom-th day of November, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two, and all such act 



or acts of llie Legislature as may be passed in pursuajice lliereofT 
according to the true iiitent and meaning of the same : So help 
me God.'' 

Sec. 2. Ann he it further cncrted^ That the said Oath may be 
administered by an}- person authcrized by law to administer an 
oath, and hkevrise hx all nnlltary officers, to those muler their com- 
mand ; and tlie admiiiistiation tliereof shall be authenticated by 
the signatures of the person adjiiinistcring, and the person taking 
the same. In cases of nniiitary oiTicers, a certificate of the oath, 
so authenticated, shall be endorsed on their commission ; and ni 
cases of civil officers, the persons administering said oath, shall 
jnake a certificate, she\^dng the name, residence, and office of the 
officer taking said oath, witii the date when administered : in the 
case of a civil officer, v/hose duties are confined to a single District, 
the certificate shall be lodo'ed in the oflice of the Clerk of the 
Court of Common Pleas, or Cominissioner in Equity, for the Dis- 
trict in which the officer resides, and in all other cases the certifi- 
cate shall be lodged in the offiice of the Secretary of State. 

Sec. 3. And he it further eiiaci-jd^ That eveiy Judge of the 
Court of Appeals, Judge of the Circuit Court, Qiancellor, and Re- 
corder of the City Court of Ciiarleston, now in office, shall take 
the said oath, at or before the time when he shall sit in judgment 
upon any case or matter, civil or criminal, at Ch?anbers or in open 
Court, in which shall be in questioji, directly or indirectly, the 
aforesaid Ordinance, or any Act or Acts of the Lec^-islature that 
may be passed in pursuance thereof: And every civil officer who 
held his office at the passing of the scid Ordinance, sha.ll ta,ke .the 
said oath, before, or at the time when, in the execution of his office, 
he may be required to perform any duty consequent upon, or in 
any wise connected with the said Ordinance, or any Act of the 
Legislature passed in pursuance thereof, except the administering 
of an oa.th, or filing a certificate under tliis act. 

Sec. 4. And he it further enacted^ That every military officer, 
who held his office at the passing of the said Ordinance, shall take 
the said oath, before or at the time, when he sha.il be called into 
service, under au}^ Act of the ljOgi-;Iature passed in pursuance of 
the said Ordinance, or for carrying the same into effect. 



263 

Sec. 5. AikI he it fur'Jiir c...: . . . Thai the Governor ma}^, 
tvhciiever in Iiis op':.' ■■ '.V ^^ ; a'jiic iiitere^tsdcinaiids it, b}-^ Frocla- 
mation, require all, or : : ' ' u- uflioei-s, civil or mllitar)^, with- 

in tlio State, or vrilhin p _ .:r Dislrict thereol^ to the said 

oath, within not less than one Aveck from the ]:siiblication of the 
Proclamation, in the District in. which such oHicer may be, and 
such officer shall, take the oath Y\ ithiu the time recjuired by the 
said Proclamation; and on refusal, neglect or onhssion. to do so, 
by any such oificer, his oflice shall be vacated, — Statutes at Loj\£(e 
of South Carolina^ vol. 1 /page 27^. 



Speak'nig of the State aciuiii under the Ordiiiaucc, tliey say: 
Let it he kept i]i ■mind /that this is lud a contest ended hut a 
contest not 'inore t/ian hcgun. Tiicse c.vpressioiis are used 
after Clafs com promise was accepted^ which shoiDs that they 
still had somite designs in view : 

" The firmness of tJie State seems, at lengthy in some degree, to 
have triumphed. But let it ]3e recollected that the moment of tri- 
umph is commonly one of danger. Let it be kept in mind, that 
this is not a contest ended, but a contest not more than begun, 
and not to be dcternnned till this Act shall cease io disgrace the i 
Statute Book. Let this contest be carried on firmly, steadily, 
Avithout passion and Avithout faultering. If the A'igiiancc of the 
State should relax ; if it should cease to I'aise up barriers against 
the head of usurpation, Avliicli threatens to overwhelm us, the tor- 
rent Aviil break loose, and sAveep our liberties along Avitli it. liCt 
every man consider this his oAvn pecidiar business. If liberty be 
saA^ed, every thing is saved : if liberty be lost, every thing is lost.'^ 
Stcdutes at large of South Carolina, vol. 1, -page 399. 



TJiefolloioing is an Grddniance giving the Lrp^ishdurc power t(y 
prescrihewhat Ocdhthe Citizens cuid Otjiccrs shall tahe from. 
time to time : 
AVe, the People of the State of South Carolina in Convention 

assembled, do Declare and Ordain, that the Act oH tlic Congress 



2G4 

of the United States, entitled '-An Act farther to provide for the 
collection of duties on imports." approved the 2d day of March, 
lS33j is unauthorized by the Constitution of the United States, 
subversive of that Constitution, and destructive of public liberty ; 
and that the same is, and shall be deemed, null and void, within 
the limits of this State : and it shall be the duty of the Legisla- 
ture, a.s sucii time as they may deem expedient, to adopt such 
measures and pass such acts as may be necessary to prevent the 
enforcement thereof, and to inflict proper penalties on any person 
who shall do any act in execution or enforcement of the same 
Vvdtliin the limits of this State. 

JVe do further Declare and Ordam, That the allegiance of the 
citizens of this State, while they continue such, is due to the said 
State ; and that obedience only, and not allegiance, is due by them 
to any other power or authority, to whom a control over them has 
been, cr may be delegated by the State ; and the General Assem- 
bly of the said State is hereby empov/ered, from time to time, 
when they may deem it proper, to provide for the administration 
to the citizens and officers of the State, or such of the said officers 
as they may think fit, of suitable oaths or affirmiations, binding 
them to the observance of such allegiance, and abjuring all other 
allegiance ; and also, to define vrliat shall amount to a violation 
of their allegiance, and to provide the proper punishment for such 
violation. — Statutes at Large of South Carolina, vol l.vage 400. 



THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, 

W'e, the people of the United States, in oiiler to form a more perfect 
union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquihty, provide foi' 
the common defence, promote the general weliarCj and secure 
the blessings of liberty, to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain 
and establish this Constitution, for the United States of America, 

ARTICLE I. 

Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested 
in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate 
and House of Representatives. 

Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of 
members chosen every second year, by the people of the several 
States, and the electors in each State, shall have the ciuahfications 
re(|uisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State 
Legislature. 

No person shall be a Representative, who sliall not have attained 
to the age of twenty-five years, and been se^ en years a citizen of 
the United States, and who shall not, wlicn elected, be an inhabi- 
tant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 

Representatives and direct taxes shall be appointed among tlie 
several States v.hichmay be included within this Union, according 
to their respective numbers, whicb shall be detcimined, by adding 
the whole munber of irce persons, including those bound to service 
for a tei'm of years, and excluding Indians nol taxed, thrce-fiftlis 
of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made with- 
in three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United 
States, and within every subsc(]uestt lorm of ten years, in such 
manner asthey sball by law direct. The number of Representa- 
tives shall not exceed one, for every twenty tliousnnd, but each 
State shall have at least one Representative; and until such enu- 



266 

meration shall be made, the Stale of New-Hampbhue bhail be en- 
titled to choose three ; Massachusetts, eight : Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations, one ; Connecticut, five ; New York, six ; 
New Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, eight ; Deleware, one ; Maryland, 
six ; Virginia, ten ; North Carolina, live ; South Carolina, five ; 
Georgia, three. 

When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, 
the Executive authority thereof, shall issue writs of election, to fill 
such vacancies. 

The House of Ptepresentatives shall choose their speaker and 
other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 

SectionZ. The Senate of the United States shall be composed 
of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof? 
for six years ; and each Senator shall have one vote. 

Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of 
the first election, they shall be devided, as equally as may be, into 
classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class, shall be vaca- 
ted at the expiration of the second year ; of the second class, at the 
expiration of the fointhyear ; and of the third class, at the expira- 
tion of the sixth year ; ^ that one-third may be chosen every se- 
cond year ; and if vacancies happen, by resignation or otherwise, 
during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the executive 
thereof may make temporary appointments, until the next meeting 
of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

No person slmll be a Senator, who shall not ]ia,ve attained to 
the age of thirty j'cars, and been nine years a citizen of the Uni- 
ted States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of 
that State for which he has been chosen. 

The Vice-President of the United States, shall be President of 
the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

The Senate shall choose their other officers, cind also a President 
protempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall 
exercise tiie office of President of the United States. 

The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments : 
when sitting for that purpose, they shall be on' oath or affirmation. 
When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice 
shall preside : and no person shall be convicted, without the con- 
currence of two-thirds ofthemembei-s present. 



267 

Judgment, in cases of impeachment, shall not extend fartlicv 
than to removal from odice, and disqualification to hold and enjoy 
any office of honor, trust, or profit, under the United States; but 
the party convicted shall nevertheless, be liable and subject to in- 
dictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. 

Section 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections 
for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State, 
])y the legislature thereof; but the Congress may, at anytime, by 
law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choos- 
ing Senators. 

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and 
such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless 
they shall, by law, appoint a different day. 

Section 5. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, re- 
turns, and qualifications, of its members, and a majority of each, 
shall constitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller number 
may adjourn from day to da}^, and may be authorized to compel 
the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and, under 
such penalties, as each House may provide. 

Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish 
its members for disorderly behavior, and, v/ith the concurrence of 
two-thirds, expel a member. 

Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from 
time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their 
judgment, require secrecy, and the yeas and nays of the members 
of either House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of 
those present, be entered on the journals. 

Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without 
the consent of tlie other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to 
any other place than tliat in which tire two Houses shall be setting. 

Section 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a 
compensation for their services, to ])c ascertained] hy law, and paid 
out of the Treasury of the United States. Tiicy sJiall, iii all cases 
except treason, felony and breach of peace, be privileged from ar- 
rest during their attcndn.nce at tlic session of tlieir respective Houses 
and ingoijig to and returning from the same; and for any speech 
or debate iu either ] louse, they sliall not be questioned in any 
other piace. 



268 

No Senato]- or Representative shall, during the time for which 
he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority 
of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emolu- 
ments wliereof shall have been increased during such time; and 
no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a 
member of either House, during his continuance in office. 

jSsction 7. All -bills of raisins; revenue, shall originate in the 
House of Representatives, but the Senate ma}^ propose, or concur 
v/ith, amendments, as on other bills. 

Every bill Vvdiich shall have passed the House of Representatives 
and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a lav\", be presented to the 
President of the United States ; if he approve, he shall sign it, but 
if not, he shall return it, witii his objections, to tho.t House in which 
it shallhave originated, who shall enter t[leo^ ['■t'^q on 

their journal and proceed to re-consider it. If, c.;.^^ o.-.vii re-con- 
sideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it 
shall be sent^ together with the objections, to the other House, by 
which it shall likev/ise be re-considered, and if approved by two- 
thirds of that House, it shall become a lavr. But in all such cases, 
the votes of both Houses siiall be detern^ined by yeas and nays, 
and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill, shall 
be entered on tlie journal of each House respectively. If any 
bill shall not be returned by the President, vrithin ten days, (Sun- 
days excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same 
shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the 
Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in v%"hich case 
it shall not be a lavv\ 

Ever}^ order, resolution, or vote, to vrhich the concurrence of the 
Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary, (except 
on a question of adjournment.) shall be presented to the President 
of the United States ; and before the same shall take CxTect, shall 
be approved by him, oi', being disapproved by him, shall be re- 
passed by tw^o-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a 
bill. 

Section 8. The Congress shall have pov/er to lay and collect 
taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay ilre debts and provide for 
the common defence and general welfare of the United States ; 
but all duties, imposts and excises shall be v.\vaoYin throughout the 
United States.- 



269 

To borrow 11^01103^011 tlie credit of (he Uiiiicd Slates: 

To regulate coiiioierco with hvel-^^n nationsj ajul ajiiong tlie 
several States and witli tlie Jadiau tribes; 

To establish an imiform rule of naturalization, and uniform 
laws on the subject of bankruptcies tliroughout llie United States; 

To coin money, regulate tlie value thereof, and of ioreioii coin, 
and fix the standard of weiglits and measures; 

To provide for the punisiniient of counterfeiting tlie securities 
and current coin of tlie United States ; 

To establish ])ost oijlces and po.<t roads ; 

To promote the progress of scit^nce and useful arts, b}^ securinp- 
for limited times to audiors and inventors the exclusive rif^^ht to 
their respective writings and discoveries ; 

To constitute tribunals infiirior to tlie supreme couit ; 

To define and punisli piracies and felonies conij^htted oii the 
high seas, and offences against the lav/ of nations ; 

To declare war, grant letters of mar(|iie and reprisal, and make 
rules concerning captures on land or water ; 

To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to 
that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; 

To provide and maintain a navy ; 

To make rules for the government and regulation of the land 
and naval forces ; 

To provide for calhng forth the militia to execute tlie laws of 
the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions ; 

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the mijitia, 
and for governing such part of them as may be cmph^yed in tJie 
service of the United States, reserving to tlie States respective] ^■, 
the appointment of the oflicers, and the authority of training tiie 
militia according to the discijiline prescribed b}^ Congress ; 

To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over 
such district (not exceeding Uya miles scpiare) as may, by cession of 
particular States, and the acceptance of Congi-css, bec()me tlie seat 
of the government of the United Slates, and to exercise like au- 
thority over all places purchased by ilie consent of the liegislature 
of the State in whicli the same shall he, for (lie erection of forts, 
magazines, arsenals, dockyards, an^l otiier needful 1)uildings: 



270 

To make all laws whicli shall he necessary and proper for car- 
yy'nig into execution llie fore^Toing- powei-s. and all oilier poY\'crs 
vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United 
States, or in any department or oflice tliercof. 

Section 9. The migTa^tion or importation of such persons as any 
of the States no'»v existing shall think proper to admit, shall not 
be prohibited by the Congress, prior to tlie ^^ear eighteen hun<jh-ed 
and eight, but a tax or duty ]nay be imposed on such importation, 
not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 

The privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be sus- 
pended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public 
safety may require it. 

No bill of attainder or ex pest facto lav/ shall be passed. 

No capitation, £>r other direct tax, shall be laid, unless in propor- 
tion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. 

No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. 

No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or 
revenue, to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall 
vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or 
pay duties in other. 

No money shall be drawn from the Treasure", but in conse- 
quence of appropriations made b}' law ; and a regular statement 
and account of the receipts and expenditu.res of all puljlic money 
shall be pul^lishcd from time to time. 

No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : and 
no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, 
without the consent of tlie Congress, accent of any present, emol- 
ument, office, or title, of any kincUvhatcver. from a,ny king, prince 
or foreign State. 

tSectionlO. No State shall enter into mvj treaty, alliance, or 
confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; 
emit bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and silver coin a 
tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post 
facto law, or law impairing tlie obligation of contracts, or grant 
any title of nobihty. 

No State sliall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any 
imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be abso- 
hitely necessary lor executing its inspection Javrs : and the nett 



271 

produce ot all ckuics and iuipo'sls, laid by any kJialc on imports or 
exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of tlie United States; 
iid all such laws shall be subject to tlie revision and control of tlie 
Congress. 

No State sliall, without ilic consent of Congress, lay any duty 
of tonnage, keep troo|)s or ships of war, in time of peace, enter in- 
to any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign 
power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such im- 
mijient danger as will not aduiit of delay. 

ARTICLE. II. 

Scctiofi 1. The executive power shall ])e vested in a President 
of the United States of America. He shall hold his oflice during 
the term of four years, and together vrith the Vice- President, cho- 
sen for the same tei-m, be elected as follows : 

Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislatiu'e 
thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole num- 
ber of Senators and Representatives to which the State shall be 
entitled in the Congress: but no Senator oi- licpresentativc, or per- 
son holding an office of trust oi- profit under the United States, shall 
be appointed an elector. 

The electors, shall meet in their respective States, and vote Ijy 
ballot, for two persons, of whom, one at least shall not be an inhabi- 
tant of the same State with themselv^es. And they shall make a 
list of all the persons voted for and of the number of votes for each, 
which list they shall sign and certify, ^nd transmit, sealed, to the 
seat of the government of the United States, directed to the Presi- 
dent of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the pres- 
ence of the Senate and House of llepresentatives, open all the cer- 
tificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having 
the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number 
be a majority of the whole number of the electors appointed ; and if 
there be more than one vvdio have such majority, and lia\'e an 
equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall im- 
mediately choose, by ballot, one of them for President; and if no 
person liave a majority, then from tlic five highest on the list, the 
said House shall, in like manner, choose the President. l>ut iu 
choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the rop- 
lesentation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this 



272 

pui-posc shall consist of a member or mcnibcrs from two-thirds of 
tlte Slates, a,nd a majority of all the States slialibe necessary to a 
choice. Ill every case, ofclioicc of the PresideDt, the person having 
tiie greatest ninnber of voles of tiio clectci-s, shall be the Yice- Pres- 
ident. But if there shoidd remain t\vo or more who have equal 
votes, the Senate shall clioose from them, by ballot, the Vice-Pre- 
sident. 

The Congress niav determine the time of choosing the electors, 
and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall 
be the same throughout the United States. 

No person, except a natural born citizen or a citizen of the Uni- 
ted States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall 
be ehgible to thaofSce of President; neither shall any person be 
eligible to tliat oliice v\^ho shall not liave attained the age of thirty- 
five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United 
States. 

In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his 
death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties 
of the said ofiice, the same slipJl devolve on the Yice-President, and 
tiie Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, deathj 
resignation, or inabilit}", both of the President, and Yice-President, 
declaring what oillcer shah tlion act as President, and such 
officer Siiall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, 
or a President shall be elected. 

The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a 
compensation, wliich shall neither ]3e inci'eased or diminished dur- 
ing the period for vrhich he shall have been elected, and he shall 
not receive within that period, any other emolument from the 
United States, or any of them. 

Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the 
following oath or affirmation : 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute 
the office of President of the United States, ?md will, to the best 
of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the 
United States." 

Section 2. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the 
army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the 
several Slates, when called into the actual service of_the United 



States; he may tcquire tlic opinion, in writing, of the principal 
officer in each of the executive departments, upon any snbject re- 
lating to duties of their respectiv e offices ; and he shall have pow- 
er to grant leprieves and pardons for oilences against the United 
States, except in cases of impeachment. 

He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators pre- 
sent concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other pub- 
lic ministers and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all 
other officers of tlie United States, whose appointments are not 
herein otherwise provided for, and which .sliall be established by 
law : But the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such 
inferior officers, as they think proper, in tlie President alone, in the 
courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 

The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that 
may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting conmiis- 
sions, which shall expire at the end of tlieir next session. 

Section 3. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress in- 
formation of the state of the Union, and recommend to their con- 
f>ideration such measures as he shall Judge necessary and expedi- 
ent : he may, on extraordiiiary occasions, convene both Houses, or 
either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with 
respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn tliem to such 
time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and 
other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faith- 
fully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United 
States. 

Section 4. The President, Yice-President and alJ civil officers of 
the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment 
for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other higli crimes and 
misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE III. 

Section!. The judicial power of the United States, shall be 
vested in one Supreme Court, and in sucli inferior courts as the 
Congress may, from time to time, oidain and establish. The 
judges, both of the supreme and inferior com Is, shall hold their 



274 

offices daring good belianor ; and slmll at stated times, receive 
lor their ser vices, a compensation which shall not be diminished 
during their continuance in office. 

Sectioii2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law 
and equity, arising under iliis Constitution, the laws of the United. 
States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their au- 
thority : to all cases allecting ambassadors, other public ministers 
and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maralimc jurisdiction ; 
to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to 
controversies between two or more States ; between a State and 
citizens of another State ; between citizens of different States ; 
between citizens of the same State, claiming lands under grants 
of diffi^renl States ; and between a State, or the citizens thereof, 
and foreign States, citizens or suljjects. 

In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and 
consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme 
Court sliall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases be- 
fore mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdic- 
tion, botli as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under 
such regulations, as tlic Congress shall make. 

The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be 
by jury, and such trial shall be held in the State where the said 
crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed with- 
in any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Con- 
gress may by law have directed. 

Section 3. Treason against ihe United States shall consist only 
in levying war against them, or in adhering to tliei'* enemies^ giving 
them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, 
unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or 
on confession, in open court. 

The' Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of 
treason ; but no a,ttainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, 
or forfiiiture, except during the life of the person attained. 

AllTICLE IV. 

Section 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State, to 
the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other 
State. And the Congress may, l)y general law^s, prescribe the 
manner in which such acts, records and proceedings, shall be proved, 
:i:ik1 tJie effect thereof. 



SediGJi 2. The citi:^ens of each Stale, shall be entitled to all 
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 

A person charged in any State^ with treason, felonj^, or other 
crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, 
shall, on demand of the executive authority of the Slate ^rom which 
he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State havingjurisdic- 
tion of the crime. 

No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws 
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or 
regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but 
sliall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service 
OY labor may be due. 

(Section 3. New States may be admitted, by the Congress, into 
this Union; but no New State shall be formed or erected, within 
the jurisdiction of ai^y other State, nor any State be formed by the 
junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the con- 
sent of the legislature of tlie States concerned, as well as of the 
Congress. 

The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all need- 
ful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property 
belonging to the United States ; and nothing in this Constitution 
sliall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United 
States, or of any particular State. 

Section L The United States shall guaranty to every State in 
this Union, a Republican form of Government, and sliall protect 
each of them against invasion ; and, on application of the legisla- 
ture, or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened,) 
against domestic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem 
it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution ; oi-, on 
the application of the legislatures of two-thirds'ofthe several States, 
shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either 
case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of tins 
Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of 
the sev^eral States, or by conventions in threc-fourlhs thereof, as 
the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the 
Congress; Provided ^ That no amendment which may be made 



276 

prior to the year one flionsand eight luindred and eight, shall ^ in 
any manner affect the first and fouith clauses in the ninth section 
of the first article : and that no State, without its consent, shall be 
deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the 
adoption of this Constitution, shaU be as valid against the United 
States, under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 

This Constitution, and the laws of the United State,^ which 
shall be made in pursuance thereof, andall treaties made, or which 
shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be 
the supreme law of the land ; and the Judges in every State shall 
be bound thereby ; any thing in the Constitution or laws of any 
State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

The Senators and Representauves before mentioned, and the 
members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and 
iuchcial officers, both of the United States, and of the several States 
shall be bound by oath or afiitmation, to support this Constitution: 
but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any 
office or public trust under the United States, 

ARTICLE VII. 

The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be suffi- 
cient for the establishment of this Constitution, between the States 
)S0 ratifying the same. 

Done in Convention^ hy the unanimous consent of the States pres- 
ent^ the seventeenth day of September^ in the year of our Lord 
one thousand seven hundred and eighty seven, and of the Inde- 
pendence of the United States of America^ the twelfth. In 
ivitness iphereof we hereunto subscribed our naines. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
President, and Deputy from Virginia. 
New Hampshire.— ^ohn Langdon, Nicholas Oilman. 
Massachusetts, — Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King. 
Connecticut, — William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman. 
New York. — Alexander Hamilton. 

Delaware. — George Reed, Gunning Bedford, Jun., John Dickin- 
son, Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom. 

Maryland. — James M'Henry, Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, 
Daniel Carrol. 



277' 

NeK'-Jerse}/.-Y\ illiiim Living'sJoii; David Crcail}^, William 
Patterson, Joiiatiiaii Dayton, 

PennsyJvama. — Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifllin, Robert 
Morris, George Ciymer, Thorns Fitz.simons, .lared Ingersoll, James 
Wilson, Gouvernenr Morris. 

Virginia. — John Blair, James Madison, Jnn. 

North Carolina. — William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaiglil^ 
Hugh WiUiamson. 

South Carolina. — JolmRutledge, Charles Coteswortli Pinckney, 
Cliarles Pinckney, Piei-ce Butler. 

Georgia. — William Few, Abraham Baldwin. 

WILLIAM JACKSON, 

Secretary. 



AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE 
UNITED STATES. 

ARTICLE I. 

Congress shall make no law respecting an estaljlishment of re^ 
ligion, or prohibiting the fj-ee exercise thereof; or abridging the 
freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the riglit of the people 
peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress 
of grievances. 

ARTICLE II. 

A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a 
free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not 
be infringed. 

ARTICLE III. 

No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, 
without the consent of the owner ; nor in time of war, but in a 
manner to be presciibed by law. 

ARTICLE IV. 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, liouses, 
papers, and effects, against unreasonable seai-chcs and seizAires, 
shall not be violated ; and no warrants shall issue, but upon pro- 
bable cause, supported by oatli or allirmation, and particularly 
describing the place to be searched, and the persons or ihing^ (o 
'be seized. 



ARTICLE V. 

No person hliall be lidcl to answer for a capital or otherwise in- 
famous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand 
jury, except in cases.arising in the land or naval forces, or in the 
militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger ; 
nor shall any person be subject.for the same offence, tobe twice put 
m jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal 
case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, lib- 
erty, 01- property, without due process of law ; nor shall private 
property betaken forpubhc use, without just componsation. 

ARTICLE VI. 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused slia,ll enjo}^ the right to 
a speedy and pubhc trial, by an impartial jury of tile State and 
district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which dis- 
trict shall have been previously ascertained b}^ law ; and to be in- 
formed of tlie nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confront- 
ed with the witnesses against him ; to iiave compulsory process 
for obtaining witnesses in his favor ; to have the assistance of coun- 
sel for his defence. 

ARTICLE VII. 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall 
exceed twent}^ dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be pi-eserved ; 
and no fact tried b}^ ^i jury shall be other vvise re-examined in any 
court of the United States, than according to the rules of the com- 
mon law. 

ARTICLE VIII. 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, 
nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

ARTICLE IX. 

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall 
vshall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the 
people. 

ARTICLE X. 

The powers not delegated to the United States, bj the Constitu- 
tion, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States 
respectivel}^, or to the people. 

ARTICLE XI. 

The judicial power of the United States, shall not be construed to 
extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted a- 



279 

gaiast one of the Uiiiied States, by citizens of another State, or 
by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. 

ARTICLE XII. ' 

•The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote, by 
ballot, for President and Vice-President, one of vvdioni, at least^ 
shall not be an inhabitant of the same State witli thejnselves ; they 
shall name in their ballots, the person voted for as President, and 
in distinct ballots, the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they 
shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and 
of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and cf tiie number of 
votes for each ; which lists they shall sign and certify, and trans- 
mit sealed to the seat of the government of tlie United States, di- 
rected to the President of the Senate: the President of the Senate 
shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open 
all the certificates, and the votes shall then be coimted : the per- 
son having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the 
President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of 
electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then, 
from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, 
on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Represen- 
tatives shall choose, immediately, by ballot, the President. But, in 
choosing the President, the votes vshall be taken by States, the rep- 
resentation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this 
purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of 
the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a 
choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a 
President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, 
before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-Pres- 
ident shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other 
constitutional disabihty of the President. 

The person having the greatest number of votes as A^ice-Presi- 
dent, shall be tlie Vice-President, if such number be a majorit}^, of 
1 lie whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a 
jority, then from the two highestma numbers on the list, the Sen- 
ate shall choose the Vice-President : a quorum for the purpose shall 
consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a ma- 
joiity ol^thc whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 

But no person constitutionally ineligible to the ollke of Presi- 
dent, shall be eligible to the olhce of Vice l^resident of the United 
States. 



THE CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 

We, tlie Delegates of the people of the Stale of South Carohiia, in 
General Conveiitioa met, do ordain and estabhsh this Constitu- 
tion for its Government. 

ARTICLE i. 

^Section 1. The legislative authority of tins State, shall Ijc vest- 
ed a in General Assembly, which shall consist of a Senate and House 
of Representatives. 

iSection2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of 
membei-s chosen by ballot, every second yeai', by the citizens of 
this State, quahiied as in this Constitution is provided. 

Section 3. The several election districts in tliis State, shall elect 
the toll owing* number of representatives, viz : Charleston, includ- 
ing St, Philip and St. Michael, 15 memibers ; Christ Church, 3 ; 
St. John, Berkie}^, 3 ; St. Andrew, 3; St. George,^ Dorchester, 3 ; 
St. James, Choose Creek, 3 ; St. Thomas and St. Dennis, 3 ; St. 
Paul, 3 ; St. Bartholomew, 3 : St. James, Santee, 3 ; St. John, 
Colleton, 3; St. Stephen, 3 ; St. Helena, 3; St. Luke, 3; Prince 
William. 3; St. Peter, 3; All Saints, (including its ancient boun- 
daries) 1 ; Winyaw. (not including any part of All Saints) 3 ; 
Kingston, (not including any part of Ail Saints) 2 ; Williamsburg, 
2; Liberty. 2 ; Marlborough, 2 ; Chesterfield, 2; Darlington, 2 ; 
York, 3 ; Chester, 2 ; Fairiieid, 2 ; Richland, 2 ; liancaster, 2 ; 
Kershaw, 2; Clarcmont, 2; Clarendon, 2; Abbeville, 3 ; Edge- 
field, 3 ; Newberry, (including the Fork between Broad and Salu- 
da Rivers) 3 ; Laurens, 3 ; Union 2 ; Spartan, 2 ; Greenville, 2 ; 
Pendleton, 3; St. Matthew, 2; Orange, 2; Winton, (including the 
district between Savanii.ah river and ncrtli Fork of Edisto, 3 ; 
Saxe Gouia^ 3. ' " 

. ■ 36 



Section i. Every iice while iiiaii, of the ag'e of twenty-one' 
3'eais, being Li cilizeu of thio Suitej and having resided therein two 
years previous to the Jay of election, and who hath a freeliold of 
fifty acres of Land, or a Tov/n Lot, of which he hath been legally 
seized and possessed at least six months before such election, or, 
not having such freelioii or town lot, hath been a resident in the 
election district, in which he ofiers to give his vote, six months be- 
fore the said election, and hath paid a tax the preceding year, of 
three shiihngs sterling, towards the support of this government, 
shall have a right to vote for a mejnber or members, to serve in 
either branch of the lecrislature, for the election district in which 
he holds such proper l}^ or is so resident. 

Section 5. Tlie returning ofiicer, or any other present, entitled 
to vote, may require any person who shall offer liis vote at an elec- 
tion, to produce a certificate of his citizenship, and a receipt fi-om 
the tax collector, of his having paid a tax, entitling him to vote, or 
swear or afilrm, that he is duly qualified to vote agreeably to this 
constitution. 

Section 6. No person shall be eligible to a seat in the House of 
Representatives, unless he is a free white man of the age of twen- 
ty-one years, and hatii ])een a citizen and resident in this State, 
three years previous to Ins election. If a resident m the election 
district, he shall not be eligible to a scat in tlis-flouse of Repre- 
sentatives, unless he be legally seized and possessed, in his ov/n 
right, of a settled freehold estate of live hundred acres of land, 
and ten negroes ; or of a real estate of the value of one hundred 
and fifty pounds sterling, clear of debt. If a non-resident, he 
shall be legally seized and possessed of a settled freehold estate 
therein, of the value of five hundred pounds sterling, clear of debt. 

Section 7. The Senate shall be composed of members, to be 
chosen for four years, in the following proportions, by the citizens 
of this StPtte, qualified to elect members of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, at the same time, in the same manner, and at the same 
places, where they shall vote for Representatives^ viz : Charleston, 
(including St. Philip and St. Michael) 2 members ; Christ Church 
1 ; St. John, Beikley, 1 ; St. Andrew, 1 : St. George, 1 ; St. James 
Goose Creek, 1 ; St. Tliomas and St. Dennis, 1 ; St. Paul, 1 ; St. 
Dartholomew. 1 ; St. James. Santee. 1 : St. John. Colletof. 1 ; St. 



'Stephen, 1 ; St. Heleno, 1 ; St. Lukc,'l ; Prince Williar.i, 1 ; St. 
Peter, 1 : All Saints, 1 ; V/iii3'aw and Wiliiainsburg, 1 ; Liberty 
and Kingston, 1 ; Marlborough, Chesterfield and Darlington, 2 : 
York, 1 ; Fairfield, Eichland and Chester, 1 ; Lancaster and Ker- 
shaw, 1 ; Clarcmont and Clarendon, 1 ; Abbeville, 1 ; Edgefield, 
1 ; Ne^Yberry, (including the fork between Broad and )Saiada Riv- 
ers.) 1 ; Laurens, 1 ; Union, 1 ; Spartan, 1 ; Greenville, 1 ; Pen- 
dleton, 1: St, Matthew and Orange, 1; Winton, (including the 
distance between Savannah river and the North fork of Edisto, 1 ; 
Saxe Goth a, L 

Seation 8. No person sliall be eligible to a seat in the Senate, 
unless he is a free wliite man, of the age of thirty years, and hath 
been a citizen and resident in this State, five years previous to his 
election. If a resident in the election district, he shall not be 
eligible, unless he be legally seized and possessed, io his own right 
of a settled frecliold estate of the value of three hundred pounds 
sterhng, clear of debt. If a non-resident in the election district, lie 
shall not be eligi'ole, unless he be legally seized and possessed, in 
his own right, of a settled freehold estate, in the said district, of the 
value of one thousand pounds sterling clear of debt. 

Section 9. Immediately after the Senators shall be nssembleil, 
in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided by lot, in- 
to two classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be 
vacated at the expiration of the second year, and of the second 
class at the expiration of the fourth year ; so that one half thereof, 
as near as possil)lc, may be chosen, forever thereafter, qvcxj second 
year, for the term of four years. 

Section 10. Senators, and members of tlic House of Representa- 
tives, shall be chosen on the second Monday in October n^xi^ and 
the day following: and on the same days in every second year 
thereafterj in sucli manner and at such times as are herein directed, 
and shall meet on the foui'th Monday in November, annually, at 
Columbia, (which shall remain the seat of government, until other 
wise determined by the concurrence of two-thirds of both branches 
of the whole representation,) unless the casualties of war, or con- 
tagious disorders, shouki render it unsafe to meet there; in either 
of which cases, the Governor or Commander-in-Chief, for the time 
j)eing, ma}^, by {)roclam.ntion, appoint a more secure and conven- 
ient {)lace of meeting. 



284 

^'ectiQ?i 11. Each lion3> shall judge of the elections, returns, 
and qiiahiicaLions of its own menibers ; and a inajority of each 
house shall constitute- a fjuoriiin to do business ; but a smaller 
number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to 
compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and 
under such penalties, as niay be provided by law. 

Section 12. Each house shall choose, by ballot, its o^vn officers, 
determine its rules of proceeding-, punish its inemlTjprs for disorder- 
ly behaviour, and v\^ith the concurrence of two tliirds, expel a men- 
ber, but not a second time for the same cause. 

Section 13. Each house may punisli, by imprisonment, ^tiuing 
its sitting, any person, not a member, who shall be guilty of dis- 
respect to the house, b}^ any disorder!}' or contemptuous behaviour 
in its presence : or who, during the time of its sitting, shall tlrreaten 
harm to body or estate of any member, for anything said or done 
in either house ; or who shall assault any of them therefor; or who 
shall assault or arrest any witness or other person ordered to at- 
tend the house, in his going to, or ]-eturning therefrom ; or wlio 
shall rescue any person arrested by order of the house. 

Sectirm 14. The members of both houses shall be protected in 
their persons and estates, during their attendance on, going to, and 
returning from, the legislature, and ten days previous to tills sitting 
and ten days after the adjournment of the legislafure. iiut the.se 
privileges shall not be extended so as to protect any member who 
shall be charged with treason, felony, or breach of the peace. 

Section ^Ck Bills for raising a revenue, shall originate in the 
House of Representatives, but may be altered, amended, or reject- 
ed by the Senate. 

All other bills may originate in either house, and may l:»e amend- 
ed, altered, or rejected by tlie other. 

Section 16. No bill or ordinance shall have the force of law, un- 
til it shall have been read three times, and on three several days, 
in each house, has had tJie great seal affixed to it, and has been 
signed, in the Senate House, by tlie President of the Senate and 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

Section 17. No money shall be drawn out of t'le public treasu- 
ry, but by the legislative authority of tlie State. 



235 

^ScTilon 15. Tbc meinbcrs of t'le lef^i-latiire, wlio ;.hali asseii}- 
ble uador this constitiilion, shaU be entitled to receive, out of tlie 
public treasu IT, as a. compeiisatioii ibr tlieir exp'^nses, a sum not 
exceeditii:: seven sliiliings sterling a day, dnriijg t's^Mr ;Utoiidaiice 
on, going to, and retnrnii];:; (V^mm t'le i-'gi-Iatiii-e ; h<st ihe same 
may be increased or diminisiied by law, if rirrn';!:- ranees snail re- 
quire ; but no alterations shall be made ]>}' ivnv ii^,;;!s!atnie, to take 
effect during tile existence of the legidaluie w ijieh shalj niake 
such alteration. 

Section 19. Neither iio!r-:e, during tlieir session, ^vithniU the con- 
sent of the other, shall adjoin'n for n>ore tlian titree days, nor to 
any other place than that i?i ^\■Ilic!r t\\f^ two lionsessliali be silting. 

Section 20, No biiior ordijiance, wlii'di siiai! !in\e been reject- 
ed by eitlier house, shall br^ l)ror!o-!jt in again dmiiig t fie sii ting,. 
without leave of the Iiouse, and irolicc of six days being previous- 
ly given. 

Ssction21. No person ^a^\u i^e ei'^xiblo to a seat in tlie legisla- 
ture, whilst he holds any olTiee <>( probl or trust, under tliis State, 
the United States, or eitiier of them, or under airv oi'icr power— 
except officers in (lie nu'iili), nrniy, i>n\-y of fJds ^'(;:!lc, Jus! ires of 
the Peace or Jusrices of the r'.^Miity (Annls, wiiilc tisry receive no 
salaries ; nor shall any conirneior oi' tlse army or uavv of this 
State, tire United St.ih-;. ov .idier of thaxw^ or tiie airents of such 
contracti>r, be ehgi!jie to a sc.it in eitlter liou^e. And if nny mem- 
ber shall acceptor exercise arn' <d" \\iq. said disqualiiyiiig orhces, he 
shall vacate his seat. 

Section22. U m\y rjerlioii disti-ict shall rieg'ect to c! loose a 
member or mejifixMs, (.n (!h' dnys of (Mertion, oi- if nuy pei'soii 
chosen a member of either ho;[se, shoidd rid'use to oualifv and take 
his seat, or sliould die, (:e|)art ihe Slate, or ncrr|)t any disqualifv- 
ing office, a writ of (dection shall !je issued by the President of tlic 
Senate, or Speaker of the House of Uepresenfatives, as tbic case 
may be, for the purpose of fdding up the vacancy there'^v occasion- 
ed, for the remainder of the tei-m for which the person so refusing, 
to qualify, dying, departing the State, or accepting a disqualiiyin^' 
office, was elected to serve. '^ 

Section 23. And wliei-eas, \h{-'. ministers of tlie gospel are, by 
their profession, deihcaled to the service of God. ami the ciue of 



236 
• 
souls, and oiv:;])! not to bo diverted iVoiii tlir, great duties of their 
function; tiiereforo, no niiniscer of the c;ospe], or pu'jlic preacher, 
of any rehgious persuasion, whilst ho continues in the exercise of 
his pastoral functions, sliall be eligible to tiie oMice of Governor, 
Lieutenant Governor, or to a seat in the Senate or House of Rep- 
resentatives. 

ARTICLE TI. 

SectJQn 1. The Executive autiiority of this State sliall be vest- 
ed in a Governor, to b'c chosen in the liianner following- : Assooii 
as may be, affcr tlie llrst meeting of the Senate and House of 
Representatives (hereafter, u^hcn a nr;;',M''7 (f botli Houses shall 
he present, theSeuafc and Bouse of ilepi\'s(;!ilatives shall, joiiitly, 
in the House of Rcpresoui itives, choose by'jallot, a Governor, to 
continue for two 3'ears, and until a ]jc\v ch^ction shall be made. 

Section 2. No person shall be eligi;)ie to the oaice of Governoi*^ 
unless he hath attained the age of thirt\" years, and hath resided 
within the State, and been a citizen tliei'eof, ten 3"cars, ai;id unless 
he be seized and possessed of a seiUcd estate within the same, in 
his own right, of the value of fifteen hundred pounds sterhng, 
elear of debt, 

No person haviiig served two years as Governor, shall be re-cli- 
glble to that office, till afler the cx[>iration of four years. 

No person shall hold the onice of Governor, and an)^ other of- 
fice, or commission, civil or military, except in the militlp^-either in 
•this State, or under any State, or the Lhiiled States, or any other 
powe]-, at one and the same time. 

Section 3. A Lieutenant Governor i?hall be chosen at the same 
?time, in the same manner, continue in office for the same period, 
and be possessed of the same qualifications as the Governor. 

Section^. A Men^ber of the Senate or House of Representa- 
tives, being" chosen, and acting as Governor or I/ieutenant Gov- 
-ernor, shall vacate his seat, and anollier person shall be elected in 
his stead. 

Section 5 In case of the impcachmcRt of the Governor, or his 
removal from office, death, resignation, cr a])oence fiom the State, 
tJie Lieutenant-Governor shall succeed to his olfice. And in cases 
of ijiipeachment of tlie Lieutenant-Governor, or his removnl from 
ofHce, death, resignation, or n!>sence from (lie State, the President 



287 

oi thy Sciiiitc ^^liali bucceed to ins ollicc, iiiiul a uoiiiiiiaiioi.i to tiicso 
uMiccs, respectively, yliali be made by tho Sciiate aiid House of 
lYepresctitatives. for the reiuaiudcr of the time lor which the Cificer 
6o impeached, removed from oiiice, dying or resigning, or being 
absent, was elected. 

Section C). The Governor shall be Connnander-in-Chief of the 
Army and Navy of tliis State, and of the Militia, except when 
they shall be called into the actual service of the United States. 

/Section 7. lie shall have povver to grant reprieves and pardons, 
after conviction, except in cases of impeachment, in such manner, 
on such terms, and under such restrictions, as he shall think pro- 
per ; and he shall have power to remit lines and forfeitures, unless 
otherwise directed by law. 

Section 8. He sliall take care that the laws be faithfully execu- 
fed, in mercy. 

Section 9. He shall have power to prohiljit the exportation of 
provisions, for any time not exceeding thirty days. 

Section iO. He s'lall, at stated times, receive for his services, a 
Gompensation which shall be neither increased or diuiinished, dur- 
ing the period for which he shall have been elected. 

Section 11. All the oHicers in the Executive Deparlinent, wliens 
required by tlie Governor, shall give him information in writings 
upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective oflices. 

Section 12. The Governor shall, from time to time, give to the 
General Assem]}]y, information of the condition of the State, and 
recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge 
necessary or expedient. 

Section 13. He may, on extraordinary occasions, convene the 
GenHral Assembly, and, in case of disagreement between tho two 
Houses, vv^ith respect to the time of adjouiTuuent, adjourn them to 
such time as he shall think proper, not beyond the ibin-th Monijay 
in the month of November, then ensuing. 

AllTlCLE 111. 

Section 1. The judicial j)ower shall be vested in such su[icrior 
and inferior courts of law and equity, as the Legislature shall, 
from time to time, direct and establish. 

The Judges of each shall hold their coiumission during good 
behavior: and the judges of the Superior Counts shall^ at stated 



2S8 

tiiiiji, r(3C3i7o a co]ir)3it^j,lio)i fjr ilialv services, which shiijl neither 
be increased or dimiaishedj during tiieir coLitiaviaoce in office : but 
tliey .shall receive no fees or perquisites of oifice, nor hold any of- 
fice of proiil or tru^l. under this State, the United. States, or any 
otlier power, 

/Section 2. The ^:t}le of all process shall be, '-The State of 
South Carolina.'" All prosecutions shall be carried on in the name, 
and by the authority of the State of SoiUli Carolina, and conclude 
— --ag-ainst the peace and dignity of the same." 

AltTICLE iV. 

All persons v*'ho shall be chosen or appointed to any office of 
profit or trust, before enteriiig on the execution thereof, shall taK " 
1.1 le following oath : "1 do swear, (or affirm.) that I am duly qual- 
ified, according to the constitution of this State, to exercise the 
office to wliich I have been appointed, and Vvill, to the best of my 
abihties, discharge tlie duties thereof, and preserve, protect, and 
defend the constitution of tins State, and of the United States." 

ARTICLE V. 

Seclion 1. The House of Representatives shall have the sole' 
power of impeaching; but no impeachment shall be made, unless 
v/ith the concurrence of tv\^o-thirds of the House of Representa- 
tives. 

Section 2. All impeachments shall be tried by the Senate. 
When sitting for that purpose, tlie Senators shall be on oath, or 
affirmation : and no person shall be convicted, without tlie con- 
currence of two-tiiirds of the members present. 

Section 3. The Governor, liieutenant Governor and all the 
civil office]"s, shall be liable to impeachment, for any misdemeanor 
in office ; bat judgment in such cases shall not extend fui-fter 
tiian to a removal from office, and disqualification to hold any 
office of honor, trust, or profit, under this State. The party con- 
victed shall, nevertheless, be liable to indictment, trial, judgment, 
and punishment, according to lavi^ 

ARTICLE VI. 

Section 1. The Judges of the Superior Courts, the Commission- 
ers of the Treasury, Secretary of the Senate, and Surve3^or Gen- 
eral, shall be elected by the joint ballot of both Houses, in the 
House of Representatives. The CommiL^ioners of the Treasury^ 



289 

Secretary of the State, and Surveyor General, shall hold their offi- 
ces for four years ; hut shall not he eligible agahi for four years 
after the expiration of the time for wiiich they shall have been 
elected. 

JSection 2. Ail other officers shall be appointed as they hitherto 
have been, until'otherv/ise directed by taw ; but Sheriffs shall hold 
their offices for foiu" years, and not be again eligible for four years 
after the term for which they shall ha\'c been elected. 

/Section 3. AH conmiissions shall be in the name, and by the 
authority of the State of South Cai'olina, and be sealed with the 
:jeal of the State^ and be signed by tlie Governor. 

ARTICLE VII. 

All laws of force in this State, at tlie passing of this constitu- 
tion, shall so continue, until altered or repealed by the legislature ; 
except where they are temporary, in which case tliey shall expire 
at the times respectively limited for their duration, if not contin- 
ued by Act of the Legislature. 

ARTICLE VIII. 

Section 1. The free exei"cise and enjoyment of religious profes- 
sion and worship, v/ithout discrimination or preference, shall, for- 
ever hereafter, be allowed within this State, to all mankind ; pro- 
vided, that tlte liiieity of conscience tiiereby declared, shall not be 
so construed as to excuse acts of hcentiousness, or justify practices 
inconsistent ¥.ith the peace or safety of this State. 

Section 2. The rights, privileges, immunities, and estates of 
both civil and religious societies and of corporate bodies, shall re- 
main as if the constitution of this State liad not been altered or 
amended. 

ARTICLE IX- 

Section 1. All pov/er is originally vested in the people ; and all 
free governments are founded on their authority, and are instituted 
for their peace, safety and happiness. 

Section 2. No freeman of this State shall be taken, or impris- 
oned, or disseized of his freehold, liberties or pi ivi leges; or out- 
lawed, or exiled, or in any manner destroyed, or deprived of his 
#life, liberty, or property, but by the judgment of his peers, or by 
the law of the land ; nor shall any bill of attainder, ex post facto 
lavv^, or law impairing the obligalion o( contracts, ever be passed 
bv the LeiTivvlature of tbis State. 



Section Z, The niilitaiy shall be subordmate to the civil power. 

Section 4. Excessive bail shpalnot be required, ncr excessive 
fines imposed, nor cruel punishments inflicted. 

Section 5. The Legislature shall not grant any title of nobility, 
or hereditary distinction, nor create any office, tlie appointment ta 
which shall be for air/ longer time than daring gt)od behaviour. 

Section 6. The trial by jury, as heretofore used in this State, 
and the liberty af the press, shall be foi-ever inviolably preserved. 

ARTICLE 1^.- 

Section 1. The business of the Trea^sury shall be in future con- 
ducted by two Treasurers, , one of v/ horn* shall hold his office and 
reside in Columbia ; the other shall hold his CiTice and reside in 
Charleston. 

Section 2. The Secretary of State, and. the Surveyor Genera],- 
shall hold their oiTices both in Columbia and Charleston. They 
shall reside at one place, and their deputies at the other. 

Section 3. At the conclusion of the CircuitSj the Judges shall 
meet at Columbia, for the purpose of hearing and determining all 
motions wliich may be made for neVv^ trials, and in arrest of judg- 
menis, and such points of law as may be submitted to them. From 
Columbia they shall proceed to Charleston, and there hear and 
determine ah motions for new trials, and in arrest of judgment, and 
such points of la Vv", as may be submitted to them. 

Section 4. The Governor shall always reside, during the sitting 
cf the Legislature, at the place v;here their session may be held,- 
and at all other times, vrherever in his opinion, the public good 
may require. 

Section 5. The Legislature shall, as soon as may be convenient 
pass laws for the abolition of the rights of primogeniture, and for 
giving an equitable distribution of the* real estates of intestates. 

ARTICLE XI. 

No Convention of the people shall be called, unless by the con- 
currence of two-thirds of both branches cf the wiicle repregentation 

No part of this Constitution shall be altered, unless a bill to al- 
ter the same shall have been read three times in the Flouse of Rep-*^ 
resentatives, and three times in the Senate, and agreed to b3Mv%-o- 
ihirds of both branches of the whole representation ; neither shall 
any alteration take place, until the bill, so 3geed to, be published- 



2<)i 

.three moiiLhs previuus to a aow election of members to the House 
of RepresentPctives : and if the alteration proposed by tlie Legisia- 
lare. shall be agreed to in the lirst session, by two-thinls of the 
whole representation in both branches of the Legislature, after the 
same shall liave been read three times, on three several days, in 
each House, then, and not otherwise, the same shall become a 
part of the Constitution. 

Done in Convention., at Cohimhia, in the &!taoe of South Carolina 
the third day of June, in the Year of our Lord 1790, and in 
the 14:th year of the Independence of the United States of 
America. 

By the UiUini/nons order of the Co?iveniion. 

CHARLES riNCKNEY, President. 
.Jqh,\ S. Dart. Secretary. 



AMENDMENTS tO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE 
STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 

; A31EXI)M]i:iMT. RATIFIED DECEMBER 17. loiJS, 

Section 1. The ibilovving section3 in aniendiiient of the third, 
eeventh and ninth sections of the first article of the constitution of 
this State, shall be. an:l tliey are hereby declared, to be vahd parts 
of the said constitutio^f : and the said third, seventh and nintii sec- 
tions, or such parts thereof as are repagnant to such aincndmcnts, 
are liereby repealed and niade void. 

Section2. The House of Ilepresentatives 'shall consist of one 
hundred and twenty-four members; to be apportioned among the 
several election districts of tJie State, according to the nunnber of 
white inhabitants contained, and the amount of all taxes raised 
by the legishiture, whether direct or indirect, or of whatever spe- 
cies, paid in each, deducting therefrom all taxes paid on account 
of property lieid in any other district : and adding therelO; all taxes 
elsewhere paid on account of property held, in such district; au 
enumeration of the white inhabitants, for this purpose, shall be 
made in the 3*ear one thousand eight hundred and nine, and in tlie 
course of cvrrv tenth vcar thereafter, in such manner as shall bo 



292 

by law directed ; paid represeD tail ves slmli be assigned to the dil- 
ferent distiicts, in the alcove nieiitioiied proportion, by act of tlie 
Legislature, at the session imiiiediateiy succeeding the above enu- 
meration. 

iSeciioji 3. If the eniinieration herein directed, should not be 
made in the course of the year a.ppoint.ed for the purpose, by these 
amendments, it shall be the duty of the Governor to have it effected 
as soon thereafter as shall be practicable. 

iSectio?i 4- In assigning representatives to the several districts of 
this State, tlie Legislature shall allow one representitive for ever}" 
sixty-second part of the whole number of white inhabitants in the 
State; and one representative also 'lor every sixty-second part of 
the whole taxes raised by the Legislature of the State. The Leg- 
islature shall further allovN- one repiesentative for such fractions of 
the sixty^-second part of tlie Vvdiite inliabitants of tiie State, and of 
the sixty-second part of the taxes raised by the Legislature of the 
State, as when added together, form a unit. 

Section 5. In every apportionment of j-epresentation, under these 
amendments wJiicli shall take place after tiie first apportionment, 
the amount of taxes shali be estimated from the aveiage of the 
ten preceding 3"ears ; biit the first apportionment sliali be found- 
ed upon the tax of the precediog 3'ear, excluding from the a- 
mount thereof, the whole produce of the tax on sales at pubHc 
auction. 

Section 6. If in the apportionment of representatives, under these 
amendments, any election district shall appear not to be entitled, 
from its populaiion and its taxes, to a represeiitative, such election 
district shall, ncvertli6less, send one j-cpresentative ; and if there 
should still be a deficiency of the number of representatives re- 
quired by these amendments, such deficiency shall be supplied ])y 
assigning representatives to those election districts having the larg- 
est surplus fractions, whethei- these fractions consist of a combina- 
tion of population and taxes, or of ]:sopulation, or of taxes separ- 
ately, until] the numl^er of one jiundred and tweiit^/ fcur mem- 
bers be provided. 

Section?. No apportionment, imder these amendments, shall 
])e construed to take efTect hi an3Mnann*er, until tlie general elec- 
?don which shall succeed sucli aj^portionment. 



293 

^VecfiOii S. Til? election distiicls for nieinbeis of the House of 
Representatives, sjiall be iinu reinain as lieretofoie osta!)lished, ex- 
cept Saxe Gotha and Newberry, in wliich the l>oiuidaries sliall be 
altered as follows,- viz : That part of Lexington, in t]\e ibrk of 
Broad and Saluda rivers, sliall no lon2:er compose a part of the 
election district of Newberry, but sliall !)0 honcefortsi attached to 
and form a part of Saxe Gotlia. And also except Orange' and 
Barnwell, or Winton, in which the boundaries shall be altered as 
follows, viz : That part of Orange, in the fork of Edisto, siiall no 
longer compose ct part of the election district of Baiiiwell or Win- 
ton, but shall henceforth be attached to, and fornfapart of Orange 
^election district. 

^Seciioii 9. The Senate shall be composed of one member from 
each election district, as now esfablished for tlse election of mem- 
bers of the House of Representatives, except the district formed by 
the parishes of St. Pirilip and St. Micliael, to which shall be al- 
lowed two Senators, as heretofore. 

Section 10. Tlie seats of those Senators who, under tite consti- 
tution, shall represent two or juorc election districts, on ti)e day 
preceding the second Monday of Octoi)er, wliich v.ill be in the 
year one thousand eight iuindred and ten, shall l)c vacated on that 
da}^, and the new Senators who shall represent such districts imder 
these amendments, shall, immediately after they s'lall have been 
assembled under the fii'st electioji, ])e divided by lot into tvv^o class- 
es ; the seats of the Senators of the first class s]iail Ijc vacated at 
the expiration of the second year; and of the second class, at tlic 
expiration of the fourth year ; and tlie num!>er of these classes 
shall be proportioned, that one half of the whole number of Sen- 
ators may, as nearlv as pos.^ible, coiitinu.e to !)e cliosen thereafter, 
every second year. 

Section 11. None of these amendni^nts, becoming parts of the 
constitution of this State, shall be altered, unless a l)ili to alter the 
same shall have been read, on three several davs, in t'je Konseof 
Representatives, and on three several days u\ the Senate, and 
agreed to at the second and ihird readuig, by two-thirds of the 
whole representation, in each branch of the TiCgislature ; neither 
shall any alteration take place, until the biil. so agreed to, be pub- 
?!ished three mouths previous to a new election f>r members to the 



■29 !l 

Home of lleprt'i^eivtLi.tiv'ey; JUii if tlse alteration pioposea by the 
Legislature sli.iii be atri-eed to in tlieif lirst sessioii, i)y t\\'o-thirds of 
tlie whole repieseiitatloji. in eac'i branch of (he Legisiatare, after 
the same shall iiave been read on three several days, in each house, 
ihen. and not oxherwiye. the saine shall become a part of the cou- 
islitation. 

AMENDMENT, RATIFIED DECEMBER 19. 1819. 

That the ioiirth section of the iirst article of tlie constitution of 
this State, be altered and amended to read as Ibllows: Every free 
white man. of the age oflweiify-one years, panpeis and ncu-coni- 
missioned officers and pi'ivate soldiers oi' tlie army oftiie United 
States, excepted, being a citizen of this S(aie, and having resided 
therein two years previons to the i\ixy of election, and who liath a 
freehold of iifty acrewof Land, or a town lot, of which, he hath 
been legally seized aial possessed at least six monihs before such 
election, or, not leaving such freehold or town lot. hath been a resi- 
dent in the election di.-trict, in whicii he odersto give his vote, six 
niORlhs before the said election, sliall have a right to vote for a 
member or mejnbers. to scj^e in either branch of the legislature, 
far the election district in which he holds snch propeity, or is bo 
resident 

AMENDMENT, RATiFtED DECEMBER 19, 1816. 

That the third section of the teiith article of the constitution of 
this State, be altered and amended to read as follows: Tlie Judges 
shall at such times and places as shall l)e pj-escribed by act of the 
legislature of this State, meet and sit for the purpose of hearing and 
determining all motions Vvhich may be made for new trials, and 
in arrest of judgment, and such points of la vr as may be suduiitted 
to them. 

A^IENDMENT, RATIFIED DECEMBER 20. 1620. 

That all the territoiy lying willdn the chartered hniits of this 
State, and winch vras ceded by the Cherokee nation, in a treaty 
concluded at Washington, on the twenty -second day of March, in 
the yfar of our Lord, one tiiousand eight Irandred and sixteen, and 
confirmed by an act of the legislature of this Stale, passed on the 
nineteenth day of Deceiiiber. in the same year, shall be, and the 
same is hereby declared to be annexed to, and shall form and con- 
tinu3 a part of the ele:iioa district of Pendleton. 



295 

AME^TDMEXT, RATIFtEH DECEMBER 19-20, U^::3. 

That the t]"iird section of [he fiftli article of t'le constitution o£ 
this State, shall be altered, to read as follows, viz: 

Seciion 3, The Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and all civil 
ofncers, siiali be liable to- impeachment for high crimes and misde- 
meanors, for any misbehaviour in oOice, for corruption in procur- 
ing' office, OT for an}^ act which shall degrade their olneial character. 
But jadgment, in such cases, shall not extejid I'urther than to re- 
moval from ollke, and disqnahlkation to hold any office of honor, 
trust, or profit, under this State. The party convicted shall, never- 
theless, be liable to iadictment, trial, judginent and punishmentj 
according' to lavr. 

Section 4. All civil oilicers, wliose authority is limited to a single^ 
election district, a single judicial district, or part of either, shall be 
appointed, hold tlieir office, be removed from oflice, and in addi- 
tion to hability to impeachment, may be punished for official mis- 
conduct, in such manner as the legislature, previous to their ap- 
pointment, may provide. 

Section 5. If any civil officer sliall become disabled from dis- 
charging the duties of his oflice, by reason of any permaneiit bodily 
or mental infirmity, his office may be declared to be vacant, by 
joint resolution, agreed to by two-thirds of the wliole representation 
in each branch of the I^egislature: Provided, That such resolution 
shall contain the grounds for the proposed removal, and before it 
shall pass either house, a copy of it shall be served on the officer and^ 
a hearing be allowed him. 

AMENDME?^iT, RATIFIED DECEMBER 0, 1634. 

That the fourth article of the Constitution of this State, shall be 
amended, so as to read as follows, viz: Every person who shall 
be chosen or appointed to any office of profit or trust, before enter- 
ing on the execution thereof, shall take the Ibllowing oath : •• I do 
solemnly vswear, (or affirm,) that I will be faithful, and true alle- 
giance bear to the State of South Carohna, so long as I may con- 
tinue a citizen thereof; and that I am duly qualined, according ta 
the constitution of this State, to execute the office to which I have 
been appointed ; and that I will, to the best of my abilities, dis- 
charge the duties thereof, and preserve, protect, and defend the- 
ccnstitution of this State, and of the United States : So help me God ." 



296 

Note. — It appears that the alteration and aiiieiidment made in 
ihe oath of allegiance oi^this State, hy the State Right NuUifiers of 
South Carolina, has been made for the pinpose of lessening theob- 
hgation both of oiliccrs and citizens, to support aiid defend each 
other in tbeir constitutional rights, held by each other, in the dif- 
ferent Stales, for the oath reads thus: "1 do solemnly swear, (or 
affirm,) that I will be faitiiful and true allegiance bear to the State 
of South Carolina, so long as I luay continue a citizen thereof," 
as if though they were not bound to support the constitutional 
rights of South Carolina, no longer tlian they remained a citizen 
of the State, when the agreement of the people of the United States 
imder the constitution of the same, has bound us all to support and 
defend each other, both in domestic, rehgioiis, pohtical, and na-^ 
tional rights, which was the object of the union. Under that oath, 
they wish to destroy that obhgation, by only binding them so long 
as they live in the State, which is aiming at the same thing, and 
which they have been doing from the first commencement, des- 
troying the government of tbe people, knowing that the govern- 
ment of the people was formed by an union, and that union had 
lo be destroyed before they could destroy their government. 



C O N T E :\T rp iSjo 

PAGE. 

Introductory Remarks .------ 5 

The Policy and Plan of the Governaieiit of England - 45 

The Policy and Plan of the Government of the Pope - 51 

The Policy and Plan of the Nullification Party ofS. Carolina 57 
The Policy and Plan Contended for in tlie Ordinance and the 

accompanying" Address - 71 

The Plan of Government that will exist at tlie time of the 

Millenium - - - - . - - - 163 

The Tariff— Its effects - - - - - - - 171 

The Principles and Errors of AboKtionism _ ^ _ 179 
The System of Banking Institutions Explained - - 209 
An exposure of the Plan under the name of union of the ^o:itli 219 
An Ordinance passed by t! e Convention of Soutli Carolina 233 
Address to the people of South Carolina - . - - . - 237 
Acts Passed in Convention __.--- 255 
Constitution and Amendments of tlie United States - - 265 
Constitution and Amendments of South Carolina - - SSI 
^"ote, on the oath of Allegiance - - - - - 290 



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